{"tema_id":"151","string":"\u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c2","created":"2015-08-30 16:29:06","code":null,"notes":[{"@type":"variants","@lang":"en","@value":"dim. \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd\nlat. pyxis; dim. pyxidicula, pyxidulum"},{"@type":"GENERAL DEFINITION","@lang":"en","@value":"The Greek \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c2 (Lat. pyxis) is a small round box or casket usually provided with a separate lid. It was named after the boxwood, i.e. the wood of the \u03c0\u03cd\u03be\u03bf\u03c2 (Buxus sempervirens), of which it was originally made. Later it became common in any wood and in other materials, especially metals. This container was mostly and primarily employed in the medical field for holding drugs and remedies, but it was also used by women to store cosmetics and ointments, jewels and toiletries. The wide range of uses and contents that written sources attest in relation to the pyxis seems to indicate that, beyond the specific contexts in which this post-classical noun developed a technical meaning, it has also acquired the general sense of \u2018box\u2019 in Antiquity. Moreover, the Latin form has become current in anatomy and botany with other specialized semantic developments up to modern times."},{"@type":"A. LANGUAGE BETWEEN TEXT AND CONTEXT","@lang":"en","@value":"1. Etymology \nThe derivation \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c2 < \u03c0\u03cd\u03be\u03bf\u03c2 is certain, as already pointed out by ancient sources. In the second half of the I cent. BCE, for instance, the grammarian Trypho Trop. II (III 192,26 Spengel) \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03c0\u03ac\u03bb\u03b9\u03bd \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u1f76\u03c2 \u03bc\u1f72\u03bd \u03bb\u03ad\u03b3\u03b5\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9 \u1f21 \u1f10\u03ba \u03c0\u03cd\u03be\u03bf\u03c5 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u03b5\u03c3\u03ba\u03b5\u03c5\u03b1\u03c3\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03b7, \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1\u03c7\u03c1\u03b7\u03c3\u03c4\u03b9\u03ba\u1ff6\u03c2 \u03b4\u1f72 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f21 \u03c7\u03b1\u03bb\u03ba\u1fc6 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f21 \u1f10\u03be \u03bf\u1f35\u03b1\u03c2 \u03b4\u03ae\u03c0\u03bf\u03c4\u03b5 \u03c0\u03b5\u03c0\u03bf\u03b9\u03b7\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03b7 \u1f55\u03bb\u03b7\u03c2 stresses the origin of \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c2 from the boxwood illustrating the phenomenon of the catachresis, i.e. the incorrect use of one word for another.[1]\n\u03c0\u03cd\u03be\u03bf\u03c2 is considered a loanword of unknown origin. Several etymologies have been proposed, but they all are unconvincing,[2] such as the hypothesis of a derivation from IE *bhHu-, \u00abgrow\u00bb (cf. Gr. \u03c6\u03cd\u03c9 and Arm. boys, \u00abplant\u00bb),[3] or from *bheugh-, \u00abbend\u00bb.[4] Moreover, the Greek \u03c0\u03cd\u03be\u03bf\u03c2 has a parallel in the Mycenaean pu-ko-so.[5]\n\u00a0\n2. General linguistic commentary\nThe form \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b7 pro \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b9 in [10] represents a scribal error, not an actual orthographic variation. Gemination is indeed a phonological phenomenon very common throughout the Roman and Byzantine periods.[6] It indicates the identification in speech of single and double consonants, which reflects in writing, and occurs also elsewhere in the Michigan Medical Codex.[7]\u00a0\nVariae lectiones of the Latin transliteration pyxis are puxis, several times in the recentiores, pixis (sometimes pis-), buxis, form clearly influenced by buxus, i.q. Greek \u03c0\u03cd\u03be\u03bf\u03c2.[8]\nDerivatives are the diminutives \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd in Greek and pyxidicula (see [3]) and pyxidulum in Latin, as well as the Latin adjective pyxidatus, \u00abhaving the shape of a pyxis\u00bb, that is a hapax inPlin. Nat. XXXI 57,3.[9]\nIt is not totally clear whether the Latin buxus and the later pyxis and pyxinum depend on \u03c0\u03cd\u03be\u03bf\u03c2 or whether they are independent borrowings.[10] But it is certain that the modern forms of this root were in turn borrowed from Latin, e.g. Fr. buis and bo\u00eete (Old Fr. boiste and Old Prov. boysola, boisseza), German B\u00fcchse (Old High German buhsa), Engl. pyx and box.[11]\nThe term lives on in modern Greek with a nautical specialized meaning as \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u1f76\u03c2 (\u03bd\u03b1\u03c5\u03c4\u03b9\u03ba\u03ae), i.e. \u00abmariners\u2019 compass\u00bb.[12]\nGreek words of this root were borrowed into Coptic, such as \u03a0\u03a5\u039e\u039f\u03f9 < \u03c0\u03cd\u03be\u03bf\u03c2 and \u03a0\u0397\u039e\u0399\u039d\u039f\u03f9 < \u03c0\u03cd\u03be\u03b9\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2\u00a0 (cf. KSB I 6,49).[13]\nChronology\u00a0\u00a0 The word \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c2 spread in Greek in post-classical period, not before the III-II century BCE, as documentary (BGU VI 1300, 8 [III-II BCE, ?]) and medical ([1]) papyrus texts confirm, whereas it has the earliest attestations in Latin during the I cent. BCE. It is indeed significantly absent in Hippocrates and in Greek physicians before that time. As a result, the numerous \u2018pyxides\u2019 dating to the Classical Age or earlier supplied by archaeological excavations (see C 2) and so conventionally defined had originally other names, such as \u03ba\u03c5\u03bb\u03b9\u03c7\u03bd\u03af\u03c2, given by contemporary references to vessels of this sort, at least in Athenian dialect.From Athenaeus onwards it is indeed stated that the Athenians named \u03ba\u03c5\u03bb\u03b9\u03c7\u03bd\u03af\u03c2 the (ceramic) medical implement commonly labeled \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c2 at his time (see [7]).[14] The fact itself that classical comic authors like Aristophanes use \u03ba\u03c5\u03bb\u03b9\u03c7\u03bd\u03af\u03c2 \/ \u03ba\u03c5\u03bb\u03af\u03c7\u03bd\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd denoting the medical box[15] can add a confirmation to the absence of \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c2 in the Hippoctratic corpus, as \u00abthe oldest Hippocratic writings are roughly contemporary with Old Comedy and therefore easily comparable\u00bb.[16] So, it seems that \u03ba\u03c5\u03bb\u03b9\u03c7\u03bd\u03af\u03c2 was the Athenian name of the medical \u2018box\u2019, replaced by \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c2 in the \u03ba\u03bf\u03b9\u03bd\u03ae. As a consequence, kylinchis (not pyxis)might be the proper name of the Attic \u2018pyxides\u2019 so often excavated by archaeologists.[17]\u00a0\nOne could ask why this box (and its name) has become so prominent. It might be supposed that \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c2 has been involved in a process of internazionalization: maybe the word, emerged in the Hellenistic period, firstly flourished in Alexandria, where the advanced medical school was established. Outstanding Alexandrian physicians who laid the foundations for the scientific study of anatomy and physiology were Herophilus and Erasistratus, and maybe Erasistratus\u2019 fr. 283 Garofalo (see C 1)contains the first attestation of \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c2. Since then, the term spread in the Graeco-Roman world becoming a sort of international word, probably replacing dialectal terms such as the aforementioned \u03ba\u03c5\u03bb\u03b9\u03c7\u03bd\u03af\u03c2, and it reached a remarkable peak of references in the Roman period, especially among Greek medical writers.\n\u2018Technicality\u2019 and semantic developments\u00a0\u00a0 A possible reason of the material and etymological connection between this container and the boxwood may lie in the virtues attributed to this type of wood in relation to the storage of drugs and pharmaceutical products. According to Dioscorides, indeed, among wooden containers, those of boxwood were considered the most suitable, at least for moist remedies (MM, Praef. 9,10-2 [I 5,8-10 Wellmann] \u03c0\u03c1\u1f78\u03c2 \u03b4\u1f72 \u03c4\u1f70 \u1f51\u03b3\u03c1\u1f70 \u03c6\u03ac\u03c1\u03bc\u03b1\u03ba\u03b1 \u1f01\u03c1\u03bc\u03cc\u03c3\u03b5\u03b9 [\u2026] \u03be\u03c5\u03bb\u03af\u03bd\u03c9\u03bd \u03b4\u1f72 \u1f45\u03c3\u03b1 \u1f10\u03ba \u03c0\u03cd\u03be\u03bf\u03c5 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1\u03c3\u03ba\u03b5\u03c5\u03ac\u03b6\u03b5\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9).\nThe word \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c2 has a \u2018technical\u2019 birth and a linguistic history of specializations. From a diachronic perspective, it spread in specific fields in Antiquity \u2013 medical, hence magical-alchemical, mechanical, cosmetic \u2013 and it remains nowadays in liturgical Christian context denoting the sacra pyxis, i.e. the vessel still used for preserving and transporting the Blessed Eucharist.[18] Other technical-scientific specializations in modern languages demonstrate a certain, even if sectorial, vitality of the word. In nautical vocabulary, it denotes the mariners\u2019 compass, a magnetic implement used for the orientation in the open-sea navigation, originally contained in a box made of glass, then of boxwood, hence the names of bossolo and bussola.[19] In botany, pyxisor pyxidium is a capsule formed by a lower cup, the theca, and opening by transverse dehiscence, so that the operculum falls off to release the seeds: it is so called in analogy with a small box with a lid.[20] In anatomy, the acetabulum of the hip-bone is defined as pyxis, i.e. the coxofemoral cavity which receives the head of the thigh-bone, also named cotyloid cavity, resembling the \u03ba\u03bf\u03c4\u03cd\u03bb\u03b7: in both cases there is a process of metaphorical association, a linguistic strategy very common to create a technical terminology.[21] The metaphorical use of the names of vessels is rather widespread, particularly in the field of human anatomy.[22]\nThe \u2018technical\u2019 nature of the noun \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c2 is more pronounced in the Greek world, since in Latin the word has a definitely higher number of occurrences in more strictly literary genres, e.g. poetry, orations, history, even if, however, with a technical (especially medical) meaning. The presence of technical \u2013 in particular medical \u2013 terms in literary works is not unusual since many technical words \u00abwere subsequently used in their new \u201cmedical\u201d sense by other writers of antiquity\u00bb.[23]\nOn the other hand, the term has probably enjoyed a certain popularity, as might be suggested by its presence in sententiae and writings influenced by popular philosophy (cf. Bion fr. 75 Kindstrand [= GV 157, 66,13-5 Sternbach], see infra C 1).[24]\nAccordingly, the word \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c2 seems to have acquired a linguistic diffusion in double direction: technical-scientific in most cases, but also more popular, becoming a technical term with an everyday character, a sort of \u201cdaily technicism\u201d.\nThough not pertinent to the medical context, it might be worth to point out the general difficulty of distinguishing whether \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c2 is used with a technical value or not. In certain cases there are ambiguities that the punctual analysis of the context may contribute to understand. An emblematic example involves the sphere of women. The meaning of \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c2 has to be considered technical when the box contains ointments and cosmetics, \u00a0as well as when it stores pharmaceutical products.[25] By contrast, when the \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c2 is filled with other \u2013 even if female \u2013 items, such as trinkets and jewels, toiletries or money belonging to a woman, it becomes a simple \u2018box\u2019 and the word loses its technical nature. Thus, the fact that the term is traditionally connected to the female world is not enough in itself to state that the word \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c2 acquires a technical value whenever it is referred to a woman. This aspect can be problematic also reading documentary texts on papyrus. Among the six papyri that explicitly link a \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c2 to a woman, four reveal the general, non-technical meaning of \u2018box\u2019,[26] while the last two are far more complicated. In BGU VI 1300,8 (III-II BCE, ?) \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b1\u03c2 \u03bc\u03ad\u03c3\u0323[\u03b1]\u03c3\u0323 \u03b2\u0323 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f10\u03bb\u03ac\u03c3\u03c3\u03bf\u03c5\u03c2 \u03b3, \u00abtwo medium-sides boxes and three smaller ones\u00bb,[27] are listed among containers of varied nature (ll.7-12, e.g. an \u1f10\u03be\u03ac\u03bb\u03b5\u03b9\u03c0\u03c4\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd, an \u00abunguent-box\u00bb), aromata and unguents (ll.13-6), jewels and other objects (ll.16-8), and finally hair accessories, like combs, hairnets, hair clasps, as well as earrings and a stater of sea-purple dye (ll.23-6). Which could have been the content of these \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b5\u03c2? The presence of both cosmetics and ornaments in the rest of the letter does not help to clarify the issue, so that the value of the term remains ambiguous. The case of P.Fuad I Univ. 12r is even more problematic due to the fragmentary condition of the text, which preserves only the final parts of the lines on the verso. Below ll.28-31:\n\u00a0\n\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 ]\u03bd \u1f21 \u03bc\u03ae\u03c4\u03b7\u03c1\n\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 ]\u00a0 \u0323 \u03b2\u03b1\u03bb\u03b1\u03bd\u03af\u03bf\u03c5\n30\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0]\u03b9\u03b4\u00a0 \u0323\u00a0 \u03c0\u0323\u03c5\u03be\u03c5\u03b4\u0323\u03b9\u03bd\n\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 ]\u03ba\u03bf\u03c5 \u03b1\u0323 \u03c7\u03c1\u1fb6\u03c3\u03b1\u03b9\n\u00a0\n29 l. \u03b2\u03b1\u03bb\u03b1\u03bd\u03b5\u03af\u03bf\u03c5\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a030 l.\u00a0\u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\n\u00a0\nHow to connect these elements? Maybe a woman, the \u03bc\u03ae\u03c4\u03b7\u03c1, had something to do with a (public?)[28] bath, the \u03b2\u03b1\u03bb\u03b1\u03bd\u03b5\u1fd6\u03bf\u03bd, and she carried a \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd which might have been full of something ending in -\u03ba\u03bf\u03c5. This is not enough to make hypothesis, but the mention of a \u03b2\u03b1\u03bb\u03b1\u03bd\u03b5\u1fd6\u03bf\u03bd and of a \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd provides some chance to imagine that -\u03ba\u03bf\u03c5 conceals the name of a cosmetic or that it is an adjectives referred to a product of this kind. In such a (unverifiable) case the term \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd might have a technical value.\n\u00a0\n3. Abbreviation(s) in the papyri \nNo abbreviated form had appeared, as yet.\n\n\n[1] Likewise in later grammatical or rhetorical writings, e.g. Choerob. Trop. III (III 246,23-9 Spengel) and EM 696,58-697,2 Gaisford.\n\n\n[2] Cf. BOISACQ, DELG 827 s.v.; CHANTRAINE, DELG II 956 s.v.; FRISK, GEW II 626 e III 174 s.v.; BEEKES, EDG II 1259 s.v.\n\n\n[3] Cf. SCARDIGLI 1960, 220-30.\n\n\n[4] Cf. CARNOY 1955, 22 and 1956, 284.\n\n\n[5] The Mycenaean term is attested in the dual compound adjective, though written with a word-divider, pu-ko-so e-ke-e in a tablet from Pylo, PY Ta 715,3, an inventory list of household items, in particular tables: the first member \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03bf-, \u00abboxwood\u00bb, is unanimously admitted, but the meaning of the second one is uncertain. According to DORIA 1956, 10, the word means *\u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03bf-h\u03b5\u03c1\u03ba\u03ae\u03c2 (cf. \u1f15\u03c1\u03ba\u03bf\u03c2), \u00ab(sc. due tavoli) dal bordo di bosso\u00bb, whereas according to PALMER 1957, 67 and 88, the second constituent has to be connected to the verbal root \u1f10\u03c7-, i.e. *\u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03bf-(h)\u03b5\u03c7\u03ae\u03c2, \u00ab(sc. two tables) with boxwood\u00bb. Cf. also SCARDIGLI 1958, 156-7; CHADWICK-BAUMBACH 1963, 241 s.v. \u03c0\u03cd\u03be\u03bf\u03c2; MORPURGO, MGL 264 s.v.pu-ko-so e-ke-e; and especially DMic. II 169 s.v.pu-ko-so e-ke-e for other interpretations and further bibliography.\n\n\n[6] On the interchange of \u03b7 > \u03b9 and the germination of consonants in the papyri, cf. respectively MAYSER, GGP I\/1 52-3 and 191-4, and GIGNAC, GGP I 154-62 (p. 162 for the case of \u03be > \u03be\u03be) and 235-7.\n\n\n[7] See [\u03c3]\u03c5\u0323\u03bd\u03b5\u03bd\u03ce\u03c3\u03c3\u03b1\u03c2 pro [\u03c3]\u03c5\u0323\u03bd\u03b5\u03bd\u03ce\u03c3\u03b1\u03c2 in fr. Av,3 as well as \u1fe5\u03af\u03b6\u03b6\u03b7\u03c2 pro \u1fe5\u03af\u03b6\u03b7\u03c2 and \u1fe5\u03af\u03b6\u03b6\u03b1\u03bd pro \u1fe5\u03af\u03b6\u03b1\u03bd in fr. Ev,5 and 7.\n\n\n[8] Cf.TLL X,2.2 2796,73-2797,9 s.v.; HILGERS, LG 265 s.v.\n\n\n[9] See especially TLL X,2.2 2796,41-50, HILGERS, LG267 and SAALFELD, TIG 966 s.v. Cf. also pixidula in HOVEN, LLR 413. No other derivative of \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c2 in the ancient languages. On the contrary, there are some compounds of \u03c0\u03cd\u03be\u03bf\u03c2, e.g. \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03b9\u03cc\u03c0\u03bf\u03c5\u03c2, \u00abwith feet of box-wood\u00bb, \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03bf\u03b5\u03b9\u03b4\u03ae\u03c2 \/ pyxodes, \u00ablike box-wood\u00bb, cf. LSJ9 1554 s.vv.; ThGL VII 2240-2 s.vv.; TLL X,2.2 2796-8 s.vv.; FORCELLINI, LTL III 983 s.vv.; CHANTRAINE, DELGII 956 s.v. \u03c0\u03cd\u03be\u03bf\u03c2; FRISK, GEW II 626 s.v. \u03c0\u03cd\u03be\u03bf\u03c2; BEEKES, EDG II 1259 s.v. \u03c0\u03cd\u03be\u03bf\u03c2.\n\n\n[10] Cf. CHANTRAINE, DELG II 956 s.v.; FRISK, GEW II 626 s.v.; BEEKES, EDG II 1259 s.v. with references.\n\n\n[11] Cf. SHIPP 1979, 477 s.v. See also TLL X,2.2 2797,18-24 s.v. and, on the semantic developments of the Latin term throughout the Middle Ages, NIERMEYER, MLLM 799 s.v. and DMLBS XIII 2593 s.v.\n\n\n[12] Cf. e.g. ANDRIOTHS, \u0395\u039b\u039a\u039d 304 s.v.; DIMITRAKOS, \u039c\u039b \u03a7\u0399\u0399 6352 e \u039d\u039b 1189 s.v.; STAMATAKOS, \u039b\u039d\u0395\u0393 III 2444 s.v.\n\n\n[13] Cf. CHERIX, IGC 142 and F\u00d6RSTER, WGW 707.\n\n\n[14] Cf. also e.g. Eust. ad Hom. \u03b5 220,34-55 (1538,41) and \u0395\u039c544,40 Gaisford [\u2245 Zon. \u03c0 1596,18 T.] \u03ba\u03c5\u03bb\u03b9\u03ba\u03bd\u03af\u03b4\u03b5\u03c2 \u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u1f70 \u1f08\u03b8\u03b7\u03bd\u03b1\u03af\u03bf\u03b9\u03c2 \u03b1\u1f31 \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b5\u03c2. Differently Et.Gud. 353,16-7 Sturz \u03ba\u03c5\u03bb\u03b9\u03ba\u03bd\u03af\u03b4\u03b5\u03c2 \u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u1f70 \u1fec\u03c9\u03bc\u03b1\u03af\u03bf\u03b9\u03c2 \u03b1\u1f31 \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b5\u03c2. For the connection between \u03ba\u03c5\u03bb\u03b9\u03c7\u03bd\u03af\u03c2 and \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c2, cf. also Hesych. \u03ba 4503 L. s.v. \u03ba\u03c5\u03bb\u03af\u03c7\u03bd\u03b7\u00b7 \u03c6\u03b9\u03ac\u03bb\u03b7. \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f21 \u1f30\u03b1\u03c4\u03c1\u03b9\u03ba\u1f74 \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c2 and 4504 L. s.v. \u03ba\u03c5\u03bb\u03b9\u03c7\u03bd\u03af\u03b4\u03b5\u03c2\u00b7 \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b5\u03c2. \u1f04\u03bb\u03bb\u03bf\u03b9 \u03bb\u03b9\u03b2\u03b1\u03bd\u03c9\u03c4\u03c1\u03af\u03b4\u03b5\u03c2. \u1f15\u03c4\u03b5\u03c1\u03bf\u03b9 \u1f00\u03b3\u03b3\u03b5\u1fd6\u03b1 \u03ba\u03b5\u03c1\u03b1\u03bc\u03b5\u1fb6. \u1f04\u03bb\u03bb\u03bf\u03b9 \u03ba\u03cd\u03bb\u03b9\u03ba\u03b1\u03c2. \u1f04\u03bb\u03bb\u03bf\u03b9 \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b1\u03c2 \u1f30\u03b1\u03c4\u03c1\u03b9\u03ba\u03ac\u03c2; Phot. \u03ba 1191 Th. s.v. \u03ba\u03c5\u03bb\u03b9\u03c7\u03bd\u03af\u03b4\u03b1\u00b7 \u03c4\u1f74\u03bd \u1f30\u03b1\u03c4\u03c1\u03b9\u03ba\u1f74\u03bd \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b1. Different interpretamenta in Gal. Ling. s. dict. exolet. expl. \u03ba (XIX 115,17-8 K\u00fchn) s.v. \u03ba\u03c5\u03b3\u03c7\u03bd\u03af\u03b4\u03b1 (l. \u03ba\u03c5\u03bb\u03b9\u03c7\u03bd\u03af\u03b4\u03b1)\u00b7 \u03c4\u03ae\u03bd \u03c4\u03b5 \u03c3\u03bc\u03b9\u03ba\u03c1\u1f70\u03bd \u03ba\u03cd\u03bb\u03b9\u03ba\u03b1 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03c4\u1f74\u03bd \u1f30\u03b1\u03c4\u03c1\u03b9\u03ba\u1f74\u03bd \u03c0\u03b9\u03b8\u03ac\u03ba\u03bd\u03b7\u03bd and in Hdn. Orth. III\/2 456,8 Lentz \u03ba\u03c5\u03bb\u03af\u03c7\u03bd\u03b7, \u03c3\u03b7\u03bc\u03b1\u03af\u03bd\u03b5\u03b9 \u03b4\u1f72 \u03c6\u03b9\u03ac\u03bb\u03b7\u03bd \u1f30\u03b1\u03c4\u03c1\u03b9\u03ba\u03ae\u03bd. Cf. FISCHER 1992, 143.\n\n\n[15] Cf. Eq. 906-7 \u1f10\u03b3\u1f7c \u03b4\u1f72 \u03ba\u03c5\u03bb\u03af\u03c7\u03bd\u03b9\u03cc\u03bd \u03b3\u03ad \u03c3\u03bf\u03b9 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03c6\u03ac\u03c1\u03bc\u03b1\u03ba\u03bf\u03bd \u03b4\u03af\u03b4\u03c9\u03bc\u03b9 \/ \u03c4\u1f00\u03bd \u03c4\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd \u1f00\u03bd\u03c4\u03b9\u03ba\u03bd\u03b7\u03bc\u03af\u03bf\u03b9\u03c2 \u1f11\u03bb\u03ba\u03cd\u03b4\u03c1\u03b9\u03b1 \u03c0\u03b5\u03c1\u03b9\u03b1\u03bb\u03b5\u03af\u03c6\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd and related scholium [schol. vet. Tr. 906, 212,13-4 Koster \u2245 Suda \u03ba 2668 Adler s.v.] \u03ba\u03c5\u03bb\u03af\u03c7\u03bd\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd\u00b7 \u1f14\u03ba\u03c0\u03c9\u03bc\u03b1, \u1f43 \u03bd\u1fe6\u03bd \u03bb\u03ad\u03b3\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9 \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd. \u1f14\u03c7\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9 \u03b4\u1f72 \u03bf\u1f31 \u1f30\u03b1\u03c4\u03c1\u03bf\u1f76 \u03c4\u1f70 \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b9\u03b1, \u1f10\u03bd \u03bf\u1f37\u03c2 \u03c0\u03c1\u03bf\u03c3\u03b2\u03ac\u03bb\u03bb\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9 \u03c4\u1f70 \u03c0\u03ac\u03c3\u03bc\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1. Furthermore, in Antiph. fr. 206,3 K.-A. (IV BCE) some \u03ba\u03c5\u03bb\u03b9\u03c7\u03bd\u03af\u03b4\u03b5\u03c2 are listed among other medical tools; maybe also in this case they correspond to the later \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b5\u03c2. As regards Aristophanes, see the general conclusion of WILLI 2003, 268-9: \u00abAristophanes wrote as an Athenian, for Athenians, and on Athenian matters. Could there have been a more suitable medium than the purest Athenian language?\u00bb.\n\n\n[16] WILLI 2003, 79.\n\n\n[17] Similar conclusions have already been reached by MILNE 1939, 247-54. See also RICHTER-MILNE 1935, 20.\n\n\n[18] Even if this liturgical meaning become technical in a later stage, i.e. in Medieval Times, the pyxis in such a context was a simple storage box at the beginning. See DU CANGE, GMIG I 1274s.v. \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03bf\u03bd; GMIL VI 580 s.v. pyxis; LATHAM, RML 385 s.v. pyxis.\n\n\n[19] Cf. DU CANGE, GMIL VI 580 s.v. pyxis, as well as, e.g., DELI I 179 s.v. bussola for the Italian; SOED II 1721 s.v. 3 for the English; DIMITRAKOS, \u039c\u039b \u0399\u0399 1411 and \u039d\u039b 1189 s.v., STAMATAKOS, \u039b\u039d\u0395\u0393 III 2444 s.v. for the modern Greek.\n\n\n[20] Cf. e.g. BERTANI 1818, 107-8; JACKSON 1900, 217 s.v. pyxidate; DELI IV 935 s.v. pisside; SOED II 1721 s.v. pyxidium.\n\n\n[21] Cf. SKODA 1988, 54-6; SCHIRONI 2010, 342-5; SOED II 1721 s.v. 2; DUNGLISON 1839, 165 s.v. cotyloid.\n\n\n[22] Cf. RADICI COLACE 1993, 201 and n. 30.\n\n\n[23] LIPOURLIS 2010, 1110.\n\n\n[24] Cf. also e.g. Diog. Ep. 50,3-4 (258,10-1 Hercher) \u1f03 \u03c4\u03b1\u1fd6\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b5\u03bd\u03b1\u1fd6\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03b4\u03c5\u03c3\u03b1\u03bd\u03bf\u03af\u03ba\u03c4\u03bf\u03b9\u03c2 \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd \u1f14\u03bf\u03b9\u03ba\u03b5\u03bd and Sen. fr. 9,18 Haase plerique philosophorum [\u2026] quos non aliter intueri decet quam medicos, quorum tituli remedia habent, pyxides venena.\n\n\n[25] It is well documented by archaeological evidence as many \u2018pyxides\u2019 have been found still containing traces of the ancient products inside, e.g. scented dry powders or rouge, and images on them usually depict scenes of the mundus muliebris. References to this occur several times in Latin literature (cf. Ov. Rem. 353 and Ars III 209; Sen. Suas. II 21; Paul. Sent. III 6,83 [buxides]; Petron. 110,2; Mart. IX 37,4; Zeno 2, 7,8; Isid. Orig. XX 7,3). On the contrary, it is very rare among Greek writers, with some exceptions such as Luc. Asin. 12,17 (as well as 13,10 and 14,4), in a magical-female context.\n\n\n[26] In P.Ryl. II 125,13-20 (28-29 CE, Euhemeria) earrings, bracelets, a necklace, other jewels and silver drachmae are deposited in the stolen \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd of Orsenouphis\u2019 mother. A stolen \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd of wood containing money appears also in P.Ryl. II 127,30 (29 CE, Euhemeria). In both cases the word acquires the general value of \u2018box\u2019, as well as in ChLA IV 249r,11 and 14 (second half of the II CE, Philadelphia), in which the object is enumerated among other vessels and containers included in the dowry of a young bride. Also in P.Oxy. XIV 1658v,10 (IV CE), a list of various items, the \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd very likely has the general meaning of \u2018box\u2019 and it is recorded among other containers, small knives, couches and objects belonging to the field of navigation.\n\n\n[27] Cf. BAGNALL-CRIBIORE 2006, 106.\n\n\n[28] Cf. RUSSO 1999, 181.\n\n"},{"@type":"B. TESTIMONIA - A selection of representative sources","@lang":"en","@value":"1. GMP I 10, fr.B, col.I, l.15-9 (LDAB 6898, MP3 2394 + 2879) \u2013 late II BCE\n\u1f04\u03bb\u03bb\u03bf \u03ba\u0323\u00a0 \u0323 [ | ]\u03bf\u0323\u03bb\u0323\u03bf\u0323\u03bd\u0323\u00a0 \u0323\u00a0 \u0323\u00a0 \u0323 \u03ba\u03bf\u03c5\u03c2 \u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u03b5\u1f76\u03c2 \u03bf\u1f50 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c2\u00a0 \u0323\u00a0 [ | ]\u03bf\u03b9\u03c2\u0323 \u1f22\u0323 \u1f51\u03bf\u03c3\u03ba\u03c5\u03ac\u03bc\u03bf\u03c5 \u03c3\u03c0\u03ad\u03c1\u03bc\u03b1[ \u0323\u00a0 \u0323\u00a0 \u0323\u00a0 \u0323 ] \u0323\u00a0 [ | ]\u00a0 \u0323\u00a0 \u0323\u00a0 \u0323 \u03c7\u03b5\u03b9 \u03bc\u03ad\u03bb\u03b9\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2 \u1f10\u03c6\u03b8\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03c4\u1f78\u00a0 \u0323 [ | ] \u1f00\u03bd\u03b1\u0323\u03bb\u0323\u03b1\u0323\u03bc\u0323\u03b2\u03ac\u03bd\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd \u1f61\u03c2 \u1fe5\u03b7\u03c4\u03af\u03bd\u03b7\u00a0 \u0323\u00a0 \u0323\u00a0 \u0323 [ | \u03c0]\u03c5\u0323\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u0323[\u03b1] \u03ba\u0323\u03b5\u0323\u03c1\u03b1\u03bc\u03b7\u03b1\u03bd (l. \u03ba\u03b5\u03c1\u03b1\u03bc\u03b5\u1fb6\u03bd).\nAnother (remedy) \u2026 for (those affected by colics) \u2026 having remitted (?) \u2026 not with \u2026 or with seeds of henbane \u2026 pour into boiled honey \u2026 take with resin \u2026 into a vase of clay.\n(Transl. ANDORLINI 2001, 113)\n\u00a0\n2. PSI XXI Congr. 3v (LDAB 6775, MP3 2419.2) \u2013 I BCE\nCol.I, l.6: \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 ]\u03b7\u03bd \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b1\n\u2026 (in) a box.\nCol.II, ll.1-4:\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u1f04\u03bb`\u03bb\u00b4\u03b7\u00b7 \u03c0\u03c1\u1f78\u03c2 \u03c4\u1f70 \u03bb\u03b5\u03c5\u03ba\u03ce\u03bc\u03b1[\u03c4]\u03b1\u0323\u00b7 | \u1f00\u03c6\u03c1\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03bd\u03af\u03c4\u03c1\u03bf\u03c5 \u2014 \u03b6\u03bc\u03cd\u03c1\u03bd\u03b7\u0323\u03c2\u0323 < \u03b1 | \u1f10\u03b2\u03ad\u03bd\u03bf\u03c5 = \u03bc\u03b5\u03c4\u1f70 \u03bc\u03ad[\u03bb\u03b9]\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2 | \u0309\u0391\u03c4\u03c4\u03b9\u03ba\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03b5\u1f30\u03c2 \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b1 \u03c7\u03c1[\u1ff6\u03b9].\nAnother (prescription) for the leucoma. (Mix) 1 ob. of sodium carbonate, 1 ob. of myrrh, 1 ob. of ebony with Attic wine, (store) in a box and use.\n\u00a0\n3. Cels. Med. VI 6, 5b,1-5 (CML I 262,14-8 Marx) \u2013 I BCE-ICE\nAttalium quoque ad idem est, maxime ubi multa pituita profluit: castorei P. X\u0336 -; aloes P. X\u0336 =; croci P. X\u0336 I; murrae P. X\u0336 II; Lyci P. X\u0336 III; cadmiae curatae P. X\u0336 VIII; stibis tantundem, acaciae suci P. X\u0336 XII. Quod cummis uid hoc non habet, liquidum in puxidicula seruatur.\nThere is also for the same complaint tha salve of Attalus especially when the rheum is profuse: castoreum 0,33 grms.; lign-aloes o,66 grms; saffron 4 grms.; myrrh 8 grms.; lyceum 12 grms.; prepared zinc oxide 32 grms.; a like quantity of antimony sulphide and acacia juice 48 grms. And when no gum is added it is preserved liquid in a small receptacle.\n(Transl. W.G. Spencer [Cambridge-London 1961] 195)\n\u00a0\n4. Dsc. MM III 11, 2,3-4 (II 19,8-9 Wellmann) \u2013 I CE\n\u1f00\u03c0\u03bf\u03c4\u03af\u03b8\u03b5\u03c3\u03b8\u03b1\u03b9 \u03b4\u1f72 \u03b4\u03b5\u1fd6 \u03c4\u1f78 \u03c6\u03ac\u03c1\u03bc\u03b1\u03ba\u03bf\u03bd \u03b5\u1f30\u03c2 \u03c7\u03b1\u03bb\u03ba\u1fc6\u03bd \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b1.\nIt is necessary to store the remedy into a bronze pyxis.\n\u00a0\n5. Gal. De comp. med. sec. loc. I 2 (XII 405,8-9 K.) \u2013 II CE\n\u1f00\u03c0\u03bf\u03c4\u03b9\u03b8\u03ad\u03c3\u03b8\u03c9 \u03b5\u1f30\u03c2 \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b1 \u03c7\u03b1\u03bb\u03ba\u1fc6\u03bd \u03c4\u1f78 \u03c6\u03ac\u03c1\u03bc\u03b1\u03ba\u03bf\u03bd \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f00\u03bd\u03b1\u03c4\u03c1\u03b9\u03b2\u03ad\u03c3\u03b8\u03c9 \u1f21 \u1f00\u03bb\u03c9\u03c0\u03b5\u03ba\u03af\u03b1.\nStore the remedy into a bronze pyxis and rub the alopecia.\n\u00a0\n6. P.Haun. III 47r,12-3 (LDAB 4713, MP3 2398.11) \u2013 II CE\n[\u03c0\u03c1\u1f78\u03c2] \u1f51\u0323\u03c0\u0323\u03cc\u0323\u03c7\u0323\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd. \u1f51\u0323\u03b1\u03af\u03bd\u03b7\u03c2 \u03c7\u03bf\u03bb\u1f74\u03bd \u03bc\u0323[\u03b5\u03c4\u1f70 \u03bc\u03ad\u03bb\u03b9\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2 \u03bc\u03af\u03be\u03b1\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f00\u03c0\u03cc\u03b8\u03bf\u03c5] | [\u03b5\u1f30\u03c2] \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b1 \u03c7\u03b1\u03bb\u03ba\u1fc6\u03bd.\nFor cataract. Mix the gall of a hyena with honey, (boil), and store in a bronze box.\n(Transl. YOUTIE 1985, 372)\n\u00a0\n7. Athen. XI 480c \u2013 II-III CE\n\u03c4\u03b1\u1fe6\u03c4\u03b1 (sc. \u03ba\u03cd\u03bb\u03b9\u03be and cognates) \u03b4' \u1f10\u03c3\u03c4\u1f76 \u03ba\u03b5\u03c1\u03ac\u03bc\u03b5\u03b1 \u03c0\u03bf\u03c4\u03ae\u03c1\u03b9\u03b1 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03bb\u03ad\u03b3\u03b5\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9 \u1f00\u03c0\u1f78 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03ba\u03c5\u03bb\u03af\u03b5\u03c3\u03b8\u03b1\u03b9 \u03c4\u1ff7 \u03c4\u03c1\u03bf\u03c7\u1ff7. [\u2026] \u1f08\u03b8\u03b7\u03bd\u03b1\u1fd6\u03bf\u03b9 \u03b4\u1f72 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03c4\u1f74\u03bd \u1f30\u03b1\u03c4\u03c1\u03b9\u03ba\u1f74\u03bd \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b1 \u03ba\u03b1\u03bb\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c3\u03b9 \u03ba\u03c5\u03bb\u03b9\u03c7\u03bd\u03af\u03b4\u03b1 \u03b4\u03b9\u1f70 \u03c4\u1f78 \u03c4\u1ff7 \u03c4\u03cc\u03c1\u03bd\u1ff3 \u03ba\u03b5\u03ba\u03c5\u03bb\u03af\u03c3\u03b8\u03b1\u03b9.\nThese are ceramic cups which get their name from the fact that they are turned on a potter\u2019s wheel. [\u2026] The Athenians also refer to a physician\u2019s storage box as a kulichnis, because it has been turned on a lathe.\n(Transl. S.D. Olson [Cambridge-London 2009] 333)\n\u00a0\n8. Orib.Coll. VIII 43, 2-5 (CMG VI 1,1, 293,10-22 Raeder) \u2245 Syn. III 211, 1-5 (CMG VI 3, 119,8-20 Raeder) \u2013 IV CE\n\u03c3\u03ba\u03b1\u03bc\u03bc\u03c9\u03bd\u03af\u03b1 \u03bc\u03b5\u03b8' \u1f01\u03bb\u1ff6\u03bd [\u2026] \u03bb\u03b5\u03b9\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9 \u1f10\u03c6' \u1f31\u03ba\u03b1\u03bd\u03cc\u03bd, \u1f14\u03c0\u03b5\u03b9\u03c4\u03b1 \u1f11\u03c8\u03b5\u1fd6\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9 \u1f10\u03bd \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b9 \u03bc\u03bf\u03bb\u03c5\u03b2\u03b4\u1fc7\u0387 \u03c4\u03c1\u03cc\u03c0\u03bf\u03c2 \u03b4\u1f72 \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u1f11\u03c8\u03ae\u03c3\u03b5\u03c9\u03c2 \u1f45\u03b4\u03b5\u0387 \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u1f76\u03c2 \u03bc\u03bf\u03bb\u03c5\u03b2\u03b4\u1fc6 \u1f10\u03c3\u03c4\u03b9 \u03b4\u03b9\u03c0\u03bb\u1fc6\u0387 \u03c4\u1f78 \u03b4' \u1f10\u03c0\u03af\u03b8\u03b5\u03bc\u03b1 \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u1f22 \u03c4\u03c1\u1fc6\u03bc\u03b1 \u1f22 \u03b1\u1f50\u03bb\u1f78\u03bd \u1f14\u03c7\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd \u1f40\u03c6\u03b5\u03af\u03bb\u03b5\u03b9\u0387 \u1f10\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1\u1fe6\u03b8\u03b1 \u1f21 \u03bc\u03b5\u03c4\u1f70 \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u1f01\u03bb\u1ff6\u03bd \u03bb\u03b5\u03bb\u03b5\u03b9\u03c9\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03b7 \u03b2\u03ac\u03bb\u03bb\u03b5\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9 \u03c3\u03ba\u03b1\u03bc\u03bc\u03c9\u03bd\u03af\u03b1, \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f10\u03b3\u03ba\u03b1\u03b8\u03af\u03c3\u03c4\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9 \u03c4\u1f78 \u1f00\u03b3\u03b3\u03b5\u1fd6\u03bf\u03bd \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c4\u03bf \u03bb\u03bf\u03c0\u03ac\u03b4\u03b9 \u1f10\u03c1\u03b5\u03b3\u03bc\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03c0\u03bb\u03ae\u03c1\u03b5\u03b9. \u1f11\u03c8\u03b5\u1fd6\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9 \u03b4' \u1f41 \u1f10\u03c1\u03b5\u03b3\u03bc\u1f78\u03c2 \u1f14\u03c7\u03c9\u03bd \u03c4\u1f74\u03bd \u03bc\u03bf\u03bb\u03c5\u03b2\u03b4\u1fc6\u03bd \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b1, \u1f40\u03be\u03c5\u03ba\u03c1\u03ac\u03c4\u03bf\u03c5 \u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03c7\u03c5\u03b8\u03ad\u03bd\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03bf\u1f50\u03c7 \u1f55\u03b4\u03b1\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2. \u1f10\u03c0\u03b5\u03b9\u03b4\u1f70\u03bd \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c4\u03bf \u03b3\u03ad\u03bd\u03b7\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9, \u1f00\u03c0\u03bf\u03c8\u1fe6\u03be\u03b1\u03b9 \u03c4\u1fc7\u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b9 \u03c4\u1f78 \u03c6\u03ac\u03c1\u03bc\u03b1\u03ba\u03bf\u03bd \u03c7\u03c1\u1f74 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03b1\u1f56\u03b8\u03b9\u03c2 \u03bb\u03b5\u03b9\u03bf\u1fe6\u03bd \u03ba\u03c4\u03bb.\nThe scammony is adequately smoothed with salt [\u2026], and then is boiled in a lead pyxis. This is the way of boiling: the lead pyxis is double and it is necessary that its cover has a hole or a pipe. The scammony smoothed with salt is thrown there, and this container is placed in a casserole full of bruised corn. The bruised corn is boiled in the lead pyxis, the sour wine and not the water being pour over [\u2026]. After this, it is necessary to cool down the remedy in the pyxis and to make it smooth again.\n\u00a0\n9. Id.Syn. III 135, 2 (CMG VI 3, 102,6-9 Raeder)\n\u03bf\u1f34\u03bd\u1ff3 \u03a7\u03af\u1ff3 \u03bb\u03b5\u03b1\u03af\u03bd\u03b5\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9 [\u2026], \u1f15\u03c9\u03c2 \u03bc\u03b9\u03b3\u1fc7 \u03c4\u1f78 \u03c6\u03ac\u03c1\u03bc\u03b1\u03ba\u03bf\u03bd, \u03b5\u1f36\u03c4' \u03b5\u1f30\u03c2 \u03c7\u03b1\u03bb\u03ba\u03bf\u1fe6\u03bd \u1f00\u03bd\u03b1\u03bb\u03b7\u03c6\u03b8\u1f72\u03bd \u1f00\u03b3\u03b3\u03b5\u1fd6\u03bf\u03bd \u1f15\u03c8\u03b5\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9 \u1f10\u03c0\u1f76 \u03bc\u03b1\u03bb\u03b1\u03ba\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03c0\u03c5\u03c1\u03cc\u03c2, \u03bc\u03ad\u03c7\u03c1\u03b9 \u03b3\u03ad\u03bd\u03b7\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9 \u1f30\u03be\u1ff6\u03b4\u03b5\u03c2, \u03b5\u1f36\u03c4\u03b1 \u03bc\u03b5\u03c4\u03b1\u03c7\u03b5\u1fd6\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9 \u03b5\u1f30\u03c2 \u03c7\u03b1\u03bb\u03ba\u1fc6\u03bd \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b1.\nThe remedy is pounded with wine of Chios [\u2026], in order to mix the ingredients, then is boiled over low heat into a bronze vessel while it is taken up, until it becomes sticky, next it is pour into a bronze pyxis.\n\u00a0\n10. P.Mich. XVII 758 Av,4 (LDAB 430, MP3 2407.01) \u2013 IV CE\n]\u03c4\u0323\u03b1 \u00a0\u0323\u00a0\u00a0\u0323\u00a0\u00a0\u0323\u00a0\u00a0\u0323 [ | ]\u00a0\u00a0\u0323\u00a0\u00a0\u0323\u00a0\u00a0\u0323 \u03ba\u0323\u03b1\u03b9\u0300\u0323 \u03c4\u03b7\u0300\u03bd\u0323\u0323 \u03bb\u03b9\u03b8\u0323[\u03b1\u0301\u03c1-]|\u03b3\u03c5\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd\u0323 [\u03c3]\u03c5\u03bd\u03b5\u03bd\u03c9\u0301\u03c3{\u03c3}\u03b1\u03c2 \u03b5\u0313\u03c0\u2019 \u03bf\u03b9\u0313\u0342\u03bd\u0323[\u03bf\u03bd] | \u03b5\u0313\u03bd \u03ba\u03b1[\u03b8\u03b1\u03c1]\u03b1\u0342\u0345 \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b7 (l. \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03b9\u0301\u03b4\u03b9).\n\u2026 having mixed together the \u2026 and the litharge with wine, (store it) in a clean casket.\n(Transl. YOUTIE 1996, 10)\n\u00a0\n11. A\u00ebt. VII 101,57-62 (CMG VIII 2, 352,24-353,5 Olivieri) \u2013 VI CE\n\u03c7\u03bf\u03bb\u1f74\u03bd \u03c4\u03b1\u03c5\u03c1\u03b5\u03af\u03b1\u03bd \u1f45\u03bb\u03b7\u03bd \u03ba\u03b5\u03bd\u03ce\u03c3\u03b1\u03c2 \u03b5\u1f30\u03c2 \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b1 \u03c7\u03b1\u03bb\u03ba\u1fc6\u03bd \u1f14\u03b1 \u1f21\u03bc\u03ad\u03c1\u03b1\u03c2 \u03b4\u03ad\u03ba\u03b1\u2026\nAfter having emptied out all the gall of bull, leave it in a in a bronze pyxis for ten days...\n\u00a0\n12. Paul.Aeg. III 1, ,6 (CMG IX 1, 130,24 Heiberg) \u2013 VII CE\n\u1f00\u03bd\u03b5\u03bb\u03cc\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2 \u03b5\u1f30\u03c2 \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b1 \u03bc\u03bf\u03bb\u03c5\u03b2\u03b4\u03af\u03bd\u03b7\u03bd \u03c6\u03cd\u03bb\u03b1\u03c4\u03c4\u03b5.\nTaking it up preserve in a leaden pyxis."},{"@type":"C. COMMENTARY","@lang":"en","@value":"1. \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c2 and its medical sources\nThe word \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c2 counts many occurrences in written sources. Even if the corresponding object covers a wide range of uses and is filled with various contents,[1] the main field of use is medicine, as attested by both medical and non-medical writers. \u00a0The earliest extant literary occurrences of the term date back to the III-II cent. BCE in Greek, to the I cent. BCE in Latin.\nThe very first attestations would seem to be in authors of the III cent. BCE. The word \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c2 occurs in some versions of the renowned \u03c0\u03ac\u03b3\u03c7\u03c1\u03b7\u03c3\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2 \u1f51\u03b3\u03c1\u03ac, i.e. \u00aball-useful watery collyrium\u00bb, of Erasistratus (fr. 283 Garofalo), whose acme can be dated around the middle of the III century BCE.[2] The actual passage of the Hellenistic physician has not been preserved,[3] but his prescription is reported with some variations by later authors.[4] The \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c2 is mentioned only by Galen, Oribasius and A\u00ebtius, so it is absolutely uncertain whether Erasistratus himself mentioned it.\nThe Cynic philosopher Bion of Borysthenes (ca. 335 BCE-mid III cent. BCE)[5] might also have employed the term, since it appears in a sententia ascribed to him, the source of which is the Gnomologium Vaticanum (157, 66,13-5 Sternbach). In this anecdote, fr. 75 Kindstrand \u1f41 \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u1f78\u03c2 \u1f10\u03c1\u03c9\u03c4\u03b7\u03b8\u03b5\u1f76\u03c2 \u1f51\u03c0\u03cc \u03c4\u03b9\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2 \u03b4\u03b9\u1f70 \u03c4\u03af \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u1f78\u03bd \u03bf\u1f50\u03ba \u1f60\u03c6\u03b5\u03bb\u03b5\u1fd6 \u03c4\u1f70 \u1f51\u03c0\u2019 \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03bb\u03b5\u03b3\u03cc\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03b1\u00a0\u2018\u03bf\u1f50\u03b4\u1f72 \u03b3\u1f70\u03c1 \u03b1\u1f31 \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b5\u03c2,\u2019 \u03b5\u1f36\u03c0\u03b5\u03bd, \u2018\u03b1\u1f31 \u03c4\u1f70 \u03c7\u03c1\u03b7\u03c3\u03c4\u03cc\u03c4\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1 \u03c6\u03ac\u03c1\u03bc\u03b1\u03ba\u03b1 \u1f14\u03c7\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b1\u03b9 \u1f00\u03c0\u2019 \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u00a0\u1f60\u03c6\u03b5\u03bb\u03bf\u1fe6\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9\u2019, the \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c2 is used in a comparison: according to the common opinion that the teaching of philosophers was useless, the interlocutor, who has access to Bion, is not helped by him, as the \u2018pyxides\u2019, which contain the best medicaments, are not helped by them; Bion\u2019s lectures are thus compared with medicines.[6] As KINDSTRAND 1976, 292 points out, \u00abthe Cynics were very fond of comparisons and similes from the medical field\u00bb and the word was rather popular in philosophical writings. Also in this case it is hard to prove the authenticity of the mention, since it is impossible to decide whether Bion\u2019s extant fragments literally reproduce what the philosopher wrote or whether the later authors who quote him have adapted his texts to their own style and language.[7] As a result, it is quite likely that this apophthegma has had a later origin or at least an adaptation of some sort and thus it has been included in the Byzantine collection.[8]\nThe earliest occurrences of the term in Latin literature date back to the first half of the I cent. BCE. According to Plin. Nat. XXXVI 203,1-2, Varro might have used pyxis. Plinius, indeed, dealing with the medica vis of the fire, asserts to report Varro\u2019s own words: ipsis enim verbis eius utar \u2013 pyxis sit, inquit, focus.[9]\nFrom the I cent. CE onwards the use of the word \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c2becomes widespread, with a noticeable peak of references during Roman times, especially in medical authors.[10]\nFurther occurrences are found, for instance, in the Hippiatrica (7)[11] and in other medical writings,[12] as well as in alchemical[13] and magical[14] texts with similar formulations.\nSeveral times the pyxis is mentioned in Latin writings of medical context, e.g. once in Celsus ([3]) in the diminutive form puxidicula, eight times in Scribonius Largus (I CE), fifteen times in Plinius (I CE),[15] thirty-nine times in Marcellus Empiricus (IV-V CE).[16]\nThere are references to the medical pyxis or to pyxides in connection with \u03c6\u03ac\u03c1\u03bc\u03b1\u03ba\u03b1 also in non-medical Greek and Latin writers,[17] and the word is numbered among the ferramenta medicinis in the Hermeneumata Monacensia (CGL III 208,2 Goetz).\u00a0\nThough rhetorical figures of speech peculiar to the poetic language,[18] shifts of meanings and metonymies are also a strategy to create a technical terminology, originating semantic neologisms.[19] A case of this kind is represented by the use of \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c2 as a name of remedy,[20] i.e. a \u2018plaster\u2019, an \u2018emollient ointment\u2019 for gout in some passages of A\u00ebtius and Paulus of Aegina.[21] In one of these, A\u00ebt. XII 63,30 (101,21 Kostomiris), it is extensively labeled \u1f21 \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u1f76\u03c2 \u03c0\u03bf\u03b4\u03b1\u03b3\u03c1\u03b9\u03ba\u03ae, whereas it is simply named \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c2 in the other ones. The medicament is said to be stored \u1f10\u03bd \u1f00\u03b3\u03b3\u03b5\u03af\u1ff3 \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03bd\u1ff3, \u00abin a vessel made of boxwood\u00bb, by Paul.Aeg. VII 19, 12,5 (CMG IX 2, 377,23 Heiberg) and \u03b5\u1f30\u03c2 \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b1 \u03be\u03c5\u03bb\u03af\u03bd\u03b7\u03bd, \u00abin a wooden \u2018pyxis\u2019\u00bb, by A\u00ebt. XII 63,36 (102,6 Kostomiris). It seems that both these expressions share the same semantic value, the former specifying the generic \u1f00\u03b3\u03b3\u03b5\u1fd6\u03bf\u03bd with \u03c0\u03cd\u03be\u03b9\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2, the latter accompanying the \u2018etymological\u2019 \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c2 with the generic \u03be\u03c5\u03bb\u03af\u03bd\u03b7. As a result, one might suppose that such a designation is due to the storage of the ointment in a container made of boxwood, etymologically a \u2018pyxis\u2019. The name of this container is thus metonymically transferred to the remedy itself. Also in the case of the \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u1f76\u03c2 \u03c0\u03bf\u03b4\u03b1\u03b3\u03c1\u03b9\u03ba\u03ae there is a semantic shift. The adjective \u03c0\u03bf\u03b4\u03b1\u03b3\u03c1\u03b9\u03ba\u03cc\u03c2, often referred to medicaments for gout[22] or becoming itself the name of a remedy (\u1f21 \u03c0\u03bf\u03b4\u03b1\u03b3\u03c1\u03b9\u03ba\u03ae),[23] belongs to a class of denominal formations with suffix in -\u03b9\u03ba\u03cc\u03c2, expressing a link, a connection or a state, that is very productive in technical languages and in scientific prose, especially in the philosophical and medical field.[24] The sense of this adjective here might originally have been \u2018\u1f21 \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u1f76\u03c2, this is a podagric remedy\u2019 (something like \u1f21 \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u1f76\u03c2. \u03c0\u03bf\u03b4\u03b1\u03b3\u03c1\u03b9\u03ba\u03ae), with a following transference on the name of the remedy.\nIn a passage by Ps.-Lucianus (Am. 39,15) among female articles like mirrors and precious vessels of different types \u00aba multitude of boxes like in the shop of the apothecary\u00bb (\u03ba\u03b1\u03b8\u03ac\u03c0\u03b5\u03c1 \u1f10\u03bd \u03c6\u03b1\u03c1\u03bc\u03b1\u03ba\u03bf\u03c0\u03ce\u03bb\u03bf\u03c5 \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03c9\u03bd \u1f44\u03c7\u03bb\u03bf\u03bd) is recorded. In such a case the word is involved in a metaphor that links the numerous boxes used by women \u2013 \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b5\u03c2 either with the technical meaning of \u2018containers for cosmetics\u2019 or with the non-technical meaning of \u2018boxes for female items\u2019 (see supra, A 2) \u2013 to the numerous boxes (very often \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b5\u03c2 properly said) on the shelves of a \u03c6\u03b1\u03c1\u03bc\u03b1\u03ba\u03bf\u03c0\u03ce\u03bb\u03b7\u03c2. The reason of this metaphor might be on the one hand the common use of \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b5\u03c2 in both of these contexts, on the other hand the fact that women frequently bought their medicamina faciei at the shop of the apothecary, since certain cosmetics were actual medicaments for skin.[25] As a matter of fact, recipes for medicinal-cosmetic remedies are commonly found in the pharmacological treatises of Greek and Latin medical authors that became part of the materia medica of the following centuries.\nThe word \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c2 is attested in four papyri of medical content ranging in date from the II cent. BCE to the IV cent. CE: [1] (late II BCE, ?), containing medical prescriptions; [2] (I BCE, ?), three columns of a recipe book; [6] (II CE, ?), preserving prescriptions for eye-salves; [10] (IV CE, ?), the pharmacological-therapeutic manual known as Michigan Medical Codex. In these papyri the container is always used in the phase of preservation and storage of remedies until their use. Furthermore, elements concerning the material features of the object and the medical products inside confirm what is known from literary sources (see infra).\nFormulations very similar to those of medical texts also appear in some magical papyri, such as PGM I 4,2463-6, in which a magical compound is stored in a leaden \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c2:[26] \u03c4\u03b1\u1fe6\u03c4\u03b1 \u03c0\u03ac\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1 \u03b2\u03ac\u03bb\u03b5 \u03b5\u1f30\u03c2 \u1f45\u03bb\u03bc\u03bf\u03bd \u03c3\u1f7a\u03bd \u03c4\u1ff7 \u03bc\u03c5\u03b3\u03b1\u03bb\u1ff7 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c2 \u03bb\u03bf\u03b9\u03c0\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03ba\u03cc\u03c8\u03b1\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b1\u03bb\u03bb\u03af\u03c3\u03c4\u03c9\u03c2 \u1f14\u03c7\u03b5 \u1f10\u03c0\u1f76 \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03c7\u03c1\u03b5\u03b9\u1ff6\u03bd \u1f00\u03c0\u03bf\u03b8\u03ad\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2 \u03b5\u1f30\u03c2 \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b1 \u03bc\u03bf\u03bb\u03b9\u03b2\u1fc6\u03bd.\nThe word, also in the diminutive form, occurs eight times, often accompanied by an adjective specifying its material, i.e. wood or ivory, in a series of five inscriptions from the Asklepieion of Delos dating back to the mid II BCE.[27] These documents \u2013 fragments of acts of Athenian officials responsible for the administration of Delian sanctuaries \u2013 contain inventories of goods and votive offerings registered year by year.[28] The fact that some \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b5\u03c2 full of silver pieces (\u03c8\u03b7\u03b3\u03bc\u03ac\u03c4\u03b9\u03b1 \u1f00\u03c1\u03b3\u03c5\u03c1\u1fb6) and small golden models (\u03c4\u03cd\u03c0\u03b9\u03b1 \u03c7\u03c1\u03c5\u03c3\u1fb6) \u2013 maybe representing anatomical parts \u2013[29] were offered to the sanctuary of Asklepios, the god of medicine, might perhaps symbolically allude to the use of the \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c2 in medical context. Occasionally, medicine containers and bottles has been found in holy places serving as votive gifts to the gods. These objects, which thus acquired a symbolic value, were often filled with coins, probably marking the degree of gratitude expressed by the donor toward the helping divinity.[30]\nMaterial, features and contents\u00a0\u00a0 An interdisciplinary approach provides a broad overview of the material features of the \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c2 and sheds light on its medical contents. Ancient Greeks and Romans used to give considerable attention to the possible interference of the material of the container on drugs and medical compounds held inside. Therefore, they tended to choose the receptacle in relation to its content on the basis of two factors, the shape and the material.[31] Elements emerging from papyrus texts and literary sources basically confirm each other.\nOnly two medical papyri mention the material: [1] \u03c0]\u03c5\u0323\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u0323[\u03b1] \u03ba\u0323\u03b5\u0323\u03c1\u03b1\u03bc\u03b7\u03b1\u03bd (l. \u03ba\u03b5\u03c1\u03b1\u03bc\u03b5\u1fb6\u03bd) and [6] [\u03b5\u1f30\u03c2] \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b1 \u03c7\u03b1\u03bb\u03ba\u1fc6\u03bd. But a reference to the material might be concealed by the lacuna in [2] col.I, l.6 ]\u03b7\u03bd \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b1.[32] The fact that the \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c2 of [1] is made of clay has a certain interest since this material is explicitly mentioned in few medical texts, i.e. Orib. Syn. VIII 45, 4,3 (CMG VI 3, 265,15 Raeder) \u03b5\u1f30\u03c2 \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b1 \u03ba\u03b5\u03c1\u03b1\u03bc\u03b9\u03b1\u03af\u03b1\u03bd, A\u00ebt. VIII 12,88 (CMG VIII 2, 418,9 Olivieri) \u03b5\u1f30\u03c2 \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b1 \u03ba\u03b5\u03c1\u03b1\u03bc\u03b5\u1fb6\u03bd, Paul.Aeg. III 22, 26,25 (CMG IX 1, 183,2 Heiberg) \u03b5\u1f30\u03c2 \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b1 \u03ba\u03b5\u03c1\u03b1\u03bc\u03b9\u03b1\u03af\u03b1\u03bd. Actually, pottery \u2018pyxides\u2019 were very common. It is proven by archaeological finds and Phot. \u03ba 1191 Th. s.v. \u03ba\u03cd\u03b2\u03b7\u03bb\u03b9\u03c2\u00b7 \u1f00\u03b3\u03b3\u03b5\u1fd6\u03bf\u03bd \u03ba\u03b5\u03c1\u03b1\u03bc\u03b5\u03bf\u1fe6\u03bd \u1f61\u03c2 \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c2 cites the \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c2 as an earthen vessel. The same can be inferred by [7], being the \u03ba\u03c5\u03bb\u03b9\u03c7\u03bd\u03af\u03c2 a ceramic box turned on a potter\u2019s wheel.[33] The consistency of the remedy, maybe against colics,[34] kept in the \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c2 of [1] was likely determined by the presence of boiled honey (l.17 ]\u00a0 \u0323\u00a0 \u0323\u00a0 \u0323\u03c7\u03b5\u03b9 \u03bc\u03ad\u03bb\u03b9\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2 \u1f10\u03c6\u03b8\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03c4\u1f78\u00a0 \u0323 [) and resin (l.18 ] \u1f00\u03bd\u03b1\u0323\u03bb\u0323\u03b1\u0323\u03bc\u0323\u03b2\u03ac\u03bd\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd \u1f61\u03c2 \u1fe5\u03b7\u03c4\u03af\u03bd\u03b7\u00a0 \u0323\u00a0 \u0323\u00a0 \u0323[) among the ingredients. Also in the three cases in which medical authors mention a pyxis made of clay (\u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b5\u03c1\u03b1\u03bc\u03b5\u1fb6 \/ \u03ba\u03b5\u03c1\u03b1\u03bc\u03b9\u03b1\u03af\u03b1) the remedy has the consistency of an ointment, i.e. the remedy \u03c0\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76 \u03c3\u03c4\u03b9\u03b3\u03bc\u03ac\u03c4\u03c9\u03bd described by A\u00ebt. VIII 12,88 (CMG VIII 2, 418,8 Olivieri), which contains honey, and the remedy for eye ulcers illustrated by Oribasius (Syn. VIII 45, 3-4 [CMG VI 3, 265,11-5 Raeder]) and Paulus of Aegina (III 22, 26,22-6 [CMG IX 1, 182,26-183,3 Heiberg]) with slight variations, as is suggested by the final verb \u1f51\u03c0\u03b1\u03bb\u03b5\u03af\u03c6\u03c9, \u00ablay on, spread like salve\u00bb (LSJ9 1851 s.v.).\nThe \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c2 of [6] is made of bronze, which is the most common material for this container in medical writers.[35] The papyrus preserves a remedy for cataracts prepared with gall of hyena, very effective for eye diseases,[36] and probably honey.[37] Remedies prepared with gall and stored in mainly bronze \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b5\u03c2 also occur in other passages, such as a prescription of the Roman physician Cassius reported by Gal. De comp. med. sec. loc. IV 8 (XII 738,10-6 K.) and A\u00ebt. VII 101,56-62 (CMG VIII 2, 352,23-353,5 Olivieri), a recipe \u03c0\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76 \u1f00\u03bc\u03b1\u03c5\u03c1\u03ce\u03c3\u03b5\u03c9\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f00\u03bc\u03b2\u03bb\u03c5\u03c9\u03c0\u03af\u03b1\u03c2in Paul.Aeg. III 22, 31,1-13 (CMG IX 1, 185,14-186,2 Heiberg) and another one\u03c0\u03c1\u1f78\u03c2 \u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03b4\u03c1\u03bf\u03bc\u1f74\u03bd \u1f40\u03c6\u03b8\u03b1\u03bb\u03bc\u03bf\u1fe6 in Hippiatr. Cant. VIII 14,1-2 (= II 139,3-4 Oder-Hoppe), where the receptacle is made of silver.\nAccording to Youtie\u2019s plausible integration,[38] in [10] the word is defined \u03ba\u03b1\u03b8\u03b1\u03c1\u03ac in the sense of \u201cclean\u201d, an adjective identifying the \u201ccondition\u201d of the object that is never attested in literary sources accompanying \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c2. Adjectives with similar meaning (e.g. \u03c0\u03c1\u03bf\u03c0\u03b5\u03c0\u03bb\u03c5\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2 \/ \u03c0\u03c1\u03bf\u03c0\u03bb\u03c5\u03b8\u03b5\u1fd6\u03c3\u03b1, \u00abwashed clean before\u00bb [LSJ9 1495 s.v.], i.e. \u201cwell cleaned\u201d before new use) are usually found in case of materials, like ceramic, which tend to soak up the substances inside with the consequent, even if slight, alteration of new substances put into the vessel.[39] But an evident connection between containers explicitly said made of clay and the need that they were \u201cclean\u201d does not emerge from Greek authors, although it can sometimes be deduced from the juxtaposition of \u03ba\u03b1\u03b8\u03b1\u03c1\u03cc\u03c2 to containers, such as the \u03c7\u03cd\u03c4\u03c1\u03b1 (vd. s.v., C 1), that usually are made of clay.[40] Anyway, the use of this qualifier is not enough to suppose that the \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c2 of [10] is in ceramic. It may be pointed out, however, that the substance stored into it, the litharge, i.e. the lead monoxide (ll.2-3), that is mixed with wine, is mainly attested in relation to earthen, or sometimes bronze, receptacles used during the preparation of remedies, such as the \u03c7\u03cd\u03c4\u03c1\u03b1 and the \u03bb\u03bf\u03c0\u03ac\u03c2.[41] In spite of this, in Dsc. MM\u00a0 V 87,8 (III 59,21-3 Wellmann) the litharge, in form of pastilli (\u03c4\u03c1\u03bf\u03c7\u03af\u03c3\u03ba\u03bf\u03b9), is kept in a leaden \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c2 (\u03b5\u1f30\u03c2 \u03bc\u03bf\u03bb\u03c5\u03b2\u1fc6\u03bd \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b1).\nIn [2] the word \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c2 occurs twice. In the very fragmentary col.I, which is completely lost in the left-hand side, it appears at the end of l.7 preceded at l.6 by the mention of the consistency of the remedy, as ]\u03be\u1ff6\u03b4\u03b5\u03c2 indicates. Among possible supplements, \u1f30]\u03be\u1ff6\u03b4\u03b5\u03c2 denotes a sticky density.[42] The adjective occurs in relation to a \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c2 only in Oribasius\u2019 version of the \u03c0\u03ac\u03b3\u03c7\u03c1\u03b7\u03c3\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2 \u1f51\u03b3\u03c1\u03ac of Erasistratus (see [14]), whereas other adjectives ending in -\u03be\u1ff6\u03b4\u03b5\u03c2 are never attested in connection with this container. In the \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c2 of the second column is held a remedy \u03c0\u03c1\u1f78\u03c2 \u03bb\u03b5\u03c5\u03ba\u03ce\u03bc\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1 made with sodium carbonate, myrrh, ebony and Attic honey. Of these four ingredients, the sodium carbonate and the Attic honey are found, among many others, in Gal. De comp. med. sec. loc. IV 8 (XII 737,5-11 K.), who describes a medicament \u03c0\u03c1\u1f78\u03c2 \u03c4\u03cd\u03bb\u03bf\u03c5\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03bb\u03b5\u03c5\u03ba\u03ce\u03bc\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1 \u00a0recommending to store it in a \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c2 made of holm-oak wood (\u03b5\u1f30\u03c2 \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b1 \u03c0\u03c1\u03b9\u03bd\u03af\u03bd\u03b7\u03bd).\nAn overview of Greek medical sources relating to the materials of the \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c2 shows a wide variety ranging from the bronze and the lead, the most widespread materials, to the wood, the horn, the silver, the glass, the clay, the tin, the iron.[43] The range of the consistencies of products stored in \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b5\u03c2 is also wide and includes ointments and salves, different kinds of thickness (e.g. oily, greasy, sticky and resinous), as well as liquids (see e.g. [3]), pastilli (\u03c4\u03c1\u03bf\u03c7\u03af\u03c3\u03ba\u03bf\u03b9) and dry powders (\u03be\u03b7\u03c1\u03af\u03b1).[44] Thus, it seems that there was no exclusive connection between consistency of the content and material of the container and that the \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c2 was very versatile and suitable for different typologies and densities of medicamenta.\nUse\u00a0\u00a0 The verbal indicators confirm the usage of the \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c2 to keep and store the remedies until their use, as often the final formula \u03c7\u03c1\u1ff6, \u00abuse\u00bb, makes clear. The most common verbs are \u1f00\u03c0\u03bf\u03c4\u03af\u03b8\u03b7\u03bc\u03b9, in the sense of \u00abput away\u00bb, \u00abstore\u00bb (see e.g. [4] and [5]), usually in the formula \u1f00\u03c0\u03cc\u03b8\u03bf\u03c5 \u03b5\u1f30\u03c2 \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b1 vel sim., and \u1f00\u03bd\u03b1\u03b9\u03c1\u03ad\u03c9, i.e. \u00abtake up\u00bb (see e.g. [12]). Other, less attested, verbs expressing similar meanings are, e.g., \u03c4\u03af\u03b8\u03b7\u03bc\u03b9, \u00abput\u00bb, \u1f00\u03bd\u03b1\u03bb\u03b1\u03bc\u03b2\u03ac\u03bd\u03c9, \u00abtake up\u00bb, \u1f10\u03ac\u03c9, \u00abdeposit\u00bb, \u1f14\u03c7\u03c9, \u00abkeep\u00bb, \u03c6\u03c5\u03bb\u03ac\u03c4\u03c4\u03c9, \u00abpreserve\u00bb (see e.g. [12]), \u03c4\u03b7\u03c1\u03ad\u03c9, \u00abretain\u00bb, \u1f00\u03c0\u03cc\u03ba\u03b5\u03b9\u03bc\u03b1\u03b9, \u00abbe laid up\u00bb. As a rule, they are found in the final section of the prescription, in a context which suggests the stasis after the preparation of remedies, and only sometimes an interval during it (see [11]).[45] This situation is consistent in medical authors (Dioscorides, Galen, A\u00ebtius, Alexander of Tralles and Paulus of Aegina) with the exception of Oribasius, as he refers to the use of a double leaden container named \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c2 during the phase of preparation (see [8]). In this passage describing the recipe of a purgative, the \u03ba\u03b1\u03b8\u03b1\u03c1\u03c4\u03b9\u03ba\u1f78\u03bd \u039b\u03cd\u03ba\u03bf\u03c5, a \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c2 is employed firstly to \u2018boil\u2019 (\u1f15\u03c8\u03c9), then to \u2018cool down\u2019 the remedy. Elsewhere, however, he uses the usual verbs \u1f00\u03c0\u03bf\u03c4\u03af\u03b8\u03b7\u03bc\u03b9 and \u1f00\u03bd\u03b1\u03b9\u03c1\u03ad\u03c9, but also \u03bc\u03b5\u03c4\u03b1\u03c7\u03ad\u03c9, \u00abpour from one vessel into another\u00bb (LSJ9 1118 s.v.), in his version of Erasistratus\u2019 \u03c0\u03ac\u03b3\u03c7\u03c1\u03b7\u03c3\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2 \u1f51\u03b3\u03c1\u03ac (see [9]).\n\u00a0\n2. \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c2 word and object\nEven though no direct evidence (e.g. dipinti inscriptions) points at a specific object, the \u2018pyxis\u2019 is usually identified as a small round box with a separate lid. The shape of the container called \u2018pyxis\u2019 by archaeologists can be traced back to the Protogeometric period (1050-900 BCE). During the Geometric period (IX-VIII cent. BCE) two typologies spread: the oldest one, which did not outlive the IX cent. BCE, was pointed, whereas the other one, which grew larger and squatter into the late Geometric, had convex walls and a flat lid with elaborate sculptures having function of handles. This kind of vessel reached its greatest popularity in Athens during the VI cent. BCE, but especially from the mid V cent. BCE, with several variations in style and with figured scenes of women depicted on the body and on the cover. The Attic \u2018pyxides\u2019 were then modified and adapted through the rest of the Greco-Roman world. Below a list of the main types of Attic \u2018pyxides\u2019:[46]\n- nikosthenic pyxis: introduced during the late VI cent. BCE by the potter Nikosthenes, it has a tall, flaring body (average h 20 cm), a low stemmed foot and a domed lid with a knob;\n- type A: quite high (average h 15 cm), with concave walls and low foot-disc or three notched feet, it is covered by a flattened lid with a round knob (VI-IV cent. BCE);\n- type B: it has low concave walls (average h 5-10 cm), a low foot and a slightly domed lid without knob (late V-IV BCE);\n- type C: it has shallow body with concave sides (average h 5 cm), wider flaring lip and base, domed cover sometimes with a bronze lid on the top (late V-IV BCE);\n- type D: similar to type B, it has cylindrical walls and a shallow, flat lid without handle (average h 5-10 cm).\nArchaeological excavations have supplied a certain number of sturdy round containers having lids attached with chains that have often been interpreted as storage boxes for holding medicaments or drugs. Although there is no direct proof that the name of these boxes was pyxis, they might well represent the pyxides mentioned by ancient writers of materia medica. A very well preserved exemplar in the Depository of the National Archaeological Museum of Naples is inventoried by Bliquez as no. 323.[47]\u00a0\u00a0\n\u00a0\n\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \nMedicine container, unknown provenance.\nCopper alloy.\nH 6,4 cm, W. 4,7 cm.\nNaples, National Archaeological Museum (Depository, box 8).\n\u00a0\nThe technical capability of metal boxes like this to preserve their therapeutic or cosmetic contents is proved by an extraordinary archaeological discovery. A tin cylindrical box resembling a pyxis was unearthed in 2003 at the site of an ancient Roman temple dated to the middle of the II century CE, in London, at the junction between two major Roman roads in Southwark, near the river Thames. The small box (H. 5,2 cm, D. 6 cm) was tightly sealed, but when it was opened it revealed a 2,000-year-old cream complete with fingerprints of the ancient user.[48]\u00a0 Such discoveries are very rare and the fact that this exemplar was found with both its lid and its content provides a unique opportunity to study the ancient formulation of this kind of products. The container was of high workmanship, so that it seems to have been very valuable at the time, probably owned by a high status person. The content has been interpreted as a cosmetic face cream or ointment, but also as a whitish paste used in medicine. Organic elemental analysis conducted by scientists of the Bristol University has revealed that this moisturizing cream was made from animal fat, starch and tin oxide. Its white appearance suggests a good degree of refinement in the technology employed for its production. Animal fat would have been obtained from carcasses of cow or goat probably heated with the aim of bleaching it, whereas it seems that starch has been isolated by treatment of grains or roots with boiling water. The greasy consistency due to the animal fat was compensated by the powdery, smooth texture crated by the starch, that is still used for the same goal in modern cosmetics. The tin oxide confers a white opacity consistent with the possible cosmetic nature of the Londinium cream as a foundation layer. However, the use of these ingredients also in medical preparations doesn\u2019t exclude a medicinal purpose of the cream.\n\n\n\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0\n\n\n\u00a0\nAnother extraordinary archaeological witness is represented by a tin pyxis found onboard the so-called Pozzino shipwreck (about 140-130 BCE,\u00a0see GIACHI et al. 2013, 1193-6). The shipwreck, discovered in 1974 and excavated between 1989 and 1990, sank off the coast of Tuscany in Italy, near the Etruscan city of Populonia. The excavations yielded many interesting artifacts all likely come from the eastern Mediterranean, such as Sirian-Palestinian glass bowls, Rhodian amphoras for carrying wine, Ephesian lamps, and several tin and bronze vessels. Even more interestingly, the ship carried also a number of medical items, probably the personal equipment of a physician traveling by sea: 136 cylindrical vials made of boxwood, numerous tin pyxides, a small stone mortarium, an iron probe, and a bronze cupping vessel. The objects were found close to an iron lock from a wooden chest that had rotted away; this may suggest that the artifacts were originally kept inside the chest and that it was presumably the physician\u2019s medical bag, a \u03c6\u03b1\u03c1\u03bc\u03b1\u03ba\u03bf\u03b8\u03ae\u03ba\u03b7 (see s.v.). X-ray examination revealed the presence of well-preserved contents in one of the tin pyxides, which was sealed bya tight-fitting lid: five gray, discoid tablets about 4 cm wide by 1 cm thick. They represent direct evidence of an ancient therapeutic product. Chemical, mineralogical, and botanical analyses have provided remarkable insights into the composition of these contents. Hydrozincite (zinc hydroxycarbonate) and smithsonite (zinc carbonate) were the most abundant ingredients of the Pozzino tablets, but also starch, animal and plant lipids, and pine resin were detected. This composition has led to the conclusion that the tablets might have been intended for ophthalmic purposes, perhaps to be ground down with a liquid and then applied topically. According to this interpretation, the Pozzino tablets would be specimens of ancient collyria. The ingredient of the ancient collyria were usually fashioned and dried for storage into the shape of \u201csmall loaves\u201d, and then stamped with the physician\u2019s seal: the Greek term \u03ba\u03bf\u03bb\u03bb(\u03bf)\u03cd\u03c1\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd, hence Lat. collyrium, indeed derives metaphorically from \u03ba\u03bf\u03bb\u03bb(\u03bf)\u03cd\u03c1\u03b1, \u201croll or loaf of bread\u201d (LSJ9 972 s.v., see BONATI 2014, 179). This common shape is slightly different compared to the flat, discoid one of the Pozzino tablets. However, once ascertained that they were actually collyria, they could provide concrete evidence on the material appearance of these products, thus testifying to a variety of shapes. A fuller survey of the contents of the pyxides and the other containers discovered onboard the Pozzino shipwreck could reveal more medicinal preparations, as well as further information on the level of knowledge reached in antiquity in the pharmacological field.\n\u00a0\n\n\n\n\n\n[1] For all these aspects, see BONATI 2016 s.v.\n\n\n[2] On Erasistratus\u2019 life and chronology see GAROFALO 1988, 17-22 with references.\n\n\n[3] Cf. FUCHS 1894, 171 verba ad ipso Erasistrato conscripta recuperare non licet.\n\n\n[4] Celsus (Med. VI 7, 2a,7-2b,6 [CML I, 277,4-10 Marx]) and Galen (De comp. med. sec. loc. IV8 [XII 735,17-736,7 K.]) in the I and II cent. CE, Oribasius (Syn. III 135,1-2 [CMG VI 3, 101,24-102,9 Raeder]) in the IV cent. CE, A\u00ebtius (VII 101,36-44 [CMG VIII 2, 352,3-11 Olivieri]) in the VI cent. CE, Paulus of Aegina (VII 16, 57,1-6 [CMG IX 2, 346,11-6 Heiberg]) in the VII cent. CE, as well as Theophanes Nonnus (Epit. de curat. morbor. 49) and other Byzantine authors. For a detailed discussion of these versions, see BONATI 2014 s.v. 3[1].\n\n\n[5] For his chronology, cf. KINDSTRAND 1976, 5-6.\n\n\n[6] See the interpretation of KINDSTRAND 1976, 292-3. See also p. 31.\n\n\n[7] For these aspects see KINDSTRAND 1976, 22 and 25-6, as well as pp. 90 and 92-3.\n\n\n[8] Between the III and the II century BCE other non-medical authors connect the word \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c2 to the medical context. The philosopher and physician Bolus of Mendes mentions the word in the spurious ad Leucippem, published sub nomine Democriti (cf. I 55,24 Berthelot \u03bb\u03b1\u03b2\u03cc\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2 \u03c7\u03b1\u03bb\u03ba\u03cc\u03bd \u03c4\u03b5 \u03b5\u1f30\u03c2 \u03c4\u1f74\u03bd \u1f30\u03b3\u03b4\u1f74\u03bd \u1f10\u03bb\u03b1\u03b9\u1ff6\u03b4\u03b5\u03c2 \u03c6\u03ac\u03c1\u03bc\u03b1\u03ba\u03bf\u03bd, \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u03ac\u03b8\u03bf\u03c5 \u03b5\u1f30\u03c2 \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b1), while the engineer and writer on mechanics Philon of Byzantium, describing a machine invented by Ctesibius of Alexandria in his work on catapults, the Belopoeica, mentions twice some \u00abvessels similar in shape to medical boxes\u00bb (cf. Bel. 60 [77,28-9 Thevenot = 65,19-20 Diels-Schramm] \u03b4\u03b9\u1f78 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u03b5\u03c3\u03ba\u03b5\u03cd\u03b1\u03c3\u03b5\u03bd \u1f00\u03b3\u03b3\u03b5\u03af\u03b1 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c2 \u03bc\u1f72\u03bd \u03c3\u03c7\u03ae\u03bc\u03b1\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd \u1f45\u03bc\u03bf\u03b9\u03b1 \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd \u1f30\u03b1\u03c4\u03c1\u03b9\u03ba\u03b1\u1fd6\u03c2 \u03bc\u1f74 \u1f10\u03c7\u03bf\u03cd\u03c3\u03b1\u03b9\u03c2 \u03c0\u03ce\u03bc\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1, \u1f10\u03be \u1f10\u03bb\u03b1\u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03bc\u1f72\u03bd \u03c7\u03b1\u03bb\u03ba\u03bf\u1fe6 and 62 [78,12 Thevenot = 67,7 Diels-Schramm] \u03c4\u03bf\u03b9\u03b1\u1fe6\u03c4\u03b1 \u03bf\u1f56\u03bd \u03b4\u03cd\u03bf \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1\u03c3\u03ba\u03b5\u03c5\u03ac\u03c3\u03b1\u03c2 \u1f00\u03b3\u03b3\u03b5\u1fd6\u03b1, \u03ba\u03b1\u03b8\u2019 \u1f45\u03c4\u03b9 \u03b5\u1f34\u03c0\u03bf\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd, \u1f45\u03bc\u03bf\u03b9\u03b1 \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd).\n\n\n[9] Furthermore, in Cicero\u2019s Pro Caelio the word is employed eight times to denotes a little vase containing poison (cf. 61,5; 63,12 and 14; 64,8; 65,2, as well as 5 and 10; 69,2). The same meaning is present also in later authors, e.g. Svet. Nero 47, 1,5 and 3,8; Apul. Met. 10, 27,15; Herm. Vulg. vis. III 9,7; Sen. fr. 9,18 Haase.\n\n\n[10] Number of attestations in main Greek medical authors: Dioscorides (I CE) 7; Galen and Ps.-Galen (II CE) 36; Oribasius (IV CE) 16; A\u00ebtius (VI CE) 26; Alexander of Tralles (VI CE) 5; Paulus of Aegina (VII AD) 5.\n\n\n[11] Hippiatr. Berol. XI 30,3 and 28, 1,3 (= \u0399 68,1 and 145,5 Oder-Hoppe); Paris. 252,3 e 357,3 (= II 50,12 and 57,12 Oder-Hoppe); Cant. VIII 9,8 and 14,2 (= \u0399I 138,10 and 139,4 Oder-Hoppe); Exc. Lugd. 132,6 (= II 302,16 Oder-Hoppe).\n\n\n[12] Cf. e.g. Philum. Ven. IV 13,2 (CMG X 1,1, 8,30 Wellmann); Afric. Cest. II 11,9 and III 2,33 (211,13 and 227,17 Vieillefond).\n\n\n[13] Cf. Iamb. II 285,21 and 286,5-6 Berthelot; Moses II 301,6 Berthelot.\n\n\n[14] Cf. e.g. Cyran. I 12,39.\n\n\n[15] The term is mentioned two other times (Nat. IX 37,2 \u00a0and XVIII 112,3) with meanings unrelated to the medical field.\n\n\n[16] For further references see TLL X,2.2 2797,54-2798,16 s.v. and HILGERS, LG 265 s.v.\n\n\n[17] Cf. e.g. Sen. Ep. 95, 18,9; J. AJ XVII 77,1 and 78,1, as well as BJ I 598,1 and 4; Luc. Philops. 21,5; Hippol. Haer. IV 30, 2,2 (119,2 Marcovich).\n\n\n[18] Indeed, a poetic usage of the word is found in Iuv. 13,23-5 quae tam fausta dies, ut cesset prodere furtum, \/ perfidiam, fraudes atque omni ex crimine lucrum \/ quaesitum et partos gladio uel pyxide nummos?. In this passage the term pyxis, i.e. the \u2018poison box\u2019, is interpreted as indicating by metonymy the content itself of the container, i.e. the \u2018poison\u2019, as suggested by the related scholium (schol. vet. 25d [201,6 Wessner] (partos gladio) vel pyxide nummos: veneno aut gladio), see also COURTNEY 1980, 540; TLL X,2.2 2798,22-3 and POTTIER, DA IV\/1 794 n. 12 s.v. Likewise, according to the modern interpretation of the verses, in Id. 2,140-1 steriles moriuntur, et illis \/ turgida non prodest condita pyxide Lyde, the secret medicine box of the swollen Lyde, totally useless against sterility, seems to become metonymy for the remedy or drugs that it contains (see e.g. S. Morton Braund\u2019s translation in Loeb edition [London 2004, 161] \u00abthey die infertile, and swollen Lyde with her secret medicine box is no use to them\u00bb, COURTNEY 1980, 145-6 \u00aba fat quack with her fertility drugs\u00bb and TLL X,2.2 2798,23-4). A \u2018mythological\u2019 interpretation is provided by the scholia, cf. schol. vet. 141 (27,14-20 Wessner) 1s Turgida: \u2018turgida[s]\u2019 genus medicamenti, quod praegnantes facit et fecundas. 2 (Condita) pyxide Lyde: de Lydia, unde Arachne fuit in araneam conversa. haec inclusa in pyxide araneam texit, quae permixta potui fecundam mulierem de sterilitate facit. 3 Turgida: adludens: crassa simpliciter intellegendum sit aut praegnans, followed by Valla\u2019s explanation (Lyde, quae in araneam versa est ira Palladis, pro ipsa aranea posita est. haec inclusa in pyxide fecundam mulierem de sterili facit), and schol. rec. 141 (104,20-105,3 Grazzini) 1 Turgida (non prodest) condita pyxide lide: ferunt phisici quod mulier quae sterilis est possit concipere si pyxide inclusam araneam gestet in sinu. 2 Condita autem pyxide dixit pro condita aranea quae condiebatur in pyxide {de} aromatibus ne puteret. 3 Aranea graece lide dicitur. [\u2026] 5 (Condita pyxide): pro eo quod est ipsa condita ne putrefiat. [\u2026] 7 Lide aranea dicta est antequam mutata a Minerva esset. 8 Fuit etiam meretrix cuius medica minibus conceptus dabatur. The last one is closer to the modern interpretation of the text.\n\n\n[19] See for instance CALLEBAT 1990, 50-1 referring to Latin technical languages and ADAMS 1995, 671 for the case of Pelagonius\u2019 veterinary technical vocabulary.\n\n\n[20] Cf. LSJ9 1554 s.v. IV.\n\n\n[21] Cf. A\u00ebt. XII P 74 (5,8 Kostomiris), the title chapter, and ibid. 63,30-7 (101,21-102,7 Kostomiris) as well as XV 15,443-50 (88,3-10 Zervos); Paul.Aeg. III 78, 19,6 and IV 55,10 (CMG IX 1, 306,4 and 380,27 Heiberg) as well as VII 19, 12,1-5 (CMG IX 2, 377,19-23 Heiberg).\n\n\n[22] Cf. e.g. Gal. De san. tuenda VII 11 (VI 436,11 and 15-6 K.); De simpl. med. fac. I 29 (XI 432, 16 K.).\n\n\n[23] Cf. e.g. Paul.Aeg. VII 11, 59,2,19,25 and 32 (CMG IX 2, 312,8 and 25-313,4 and 11 Heiberg).\n\n\n[24] Cf. CHANTRAINE, FN 384-96; PEPPLER 1910, 428-44; WILLI 2003, 142-5; LIPOURLIS 2010, 1110-2; SCHIRONI 2010, 341.\n\n\n[25] For instance, this aspect has been proved by GREEN 1979, 381-92 in the case of the five recipes for face packs reported by Ovid in the surviving fragments of its Medicamina Faciei Feminae. See also JACKSON 1988, 55.\n\n\n[26] The word occurs also in PGM II 15,18-9 and 37,7.\n\n\n[27] Cf. ID III 1414, fr.b, col.II, l. 4 [\u03c8\u03b7\u03b3]\u03bc\u03ac\u03c4[\u03b9]\u03b1 \u1f00\u03c1\u03b3\u03c5\u03c1\u1fb6 [\u1f10]\u03bc \u03c0\u03c5\u03be[\u03b9\u03b4\u03af\u03c9\u03b9] and l.5 \u00a0[\u1f10\u03bc \u03c0]\u03c5\u03be\u03b9\u03b4\u03af\u03c9[\u03b9]; ID III 1416, A, col.II, ll.14-5\u00a0 \u1f04\u03bb\u03bb\u03b1 \u03c8\u03b7[\u03b3\u03bc\u03ac]|[\u03c4\u03b9\u03b1 \u1f00\u03c1\u03b3\u03c5\u03c1\u1fb6 \u1f10\u03bc \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03b9\u03b4\u03af\u03c9\u03b9] and l.21 [\u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b1 \u1f10\u03bb]\u03b5\u03c6\u03b1\u03bd\u03c4\u03af\u03bd\u03b7\u03bd; ID III 1417, B, col.I, \u00a0l.139 \u03c8\u03b7\u03b3\u03bc\u03ac\u03c4\u03b9\u03b1 \u1f00\u03c1\u03b3\u03c5\u03c1\u1fb6 \u1f10\u03bc \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03b9\u03b4\u03af\u03c9\u03b9 and l.143 \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b1 \u1f10\u03bb\u03b5\u03c6\u03b1\u03bd\u03c4\u03af\u03bd\u03b7\u03bd; ID III 1442, A,83-4 \u03c4\u03cd\u03c0\u03b9\u03b1 \u03c7\u03c1\u03c5\u03c3\u1fb6 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u03b5\u03b1\u03b3\u03cc\u03c4\u03b1 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f10\u03bd\u03cc\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1 \u1f10\u03bd \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b9 \u1f10\u03bb[\u03b5]|\u03c6\u03b1\u03bd\u03c4\u03af\u03bd\u03b5\u03b9; ID III 1444, Ba,19-20 [\u03c4\u03cd\u03c0\u03b9\u03b1 \u03c7\u03c1\u03c5\u03c3\u1fb6 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4]\u00a0|\u03b5\u03b1\u03b3\u03cc\u03c4\u03b1 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f10\u03bd\u03cc\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1 \u1f10\u03bc \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b9 \u03be\u03c5\u03bb\u03af\u03bd\u03b5\u03b9. Moreover, the diminutive \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd occurs in SGDI II 2275,17 from Delphi (ca. 150-140 BCE, Priesterschaft VI), and is also doubtfully restored in another inscription from Delphi, CID II 35,3-4, dating back to the IV cent. BCE (343-342 BC ?), but it is very likely wrong as the term is never attested at that time.\n\n\n[28] On Delian inventories, cf. HAMILTON 2000.\n\n\n[29] Anatomical votive figurines have often been found in the Asklepieion of Delos. For this and other aspects about the sanctuary see MELFI 2007, 456-80.\n\n\n[30] See e.g. SJ\u00d6QVIST 1960, 78 and 80.\n\n\n[31] According to Plin. Nat. XIII 19,1-8 and Dsc. MM, Praef. 9,7-15 (I 5,5-13 Wellmann), particular virtues were recognized to different materials of pharmaceutical containers. For this aspect see ANDORLINI 2007, 28-9 and especially TABORELLI 1996, 153.\u00a0\u00a0\n[32] \u03c7\u03b1\u03bb\u03ba]\u1fc6\u03bd is possible, but also \u03b5\u1f30\u03c2 \u03c4]\u03ae\u03bd and \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4]\u03ae\u03bd, as proposed by ANDORLINI 1995, 16 ad l.\n\n\n[33] Cf. also Gal. Ling. s. dict. exolet. expl. \u03a3 (XIX 138,2-3 K.) \u03c3\u03b9\u03c0\u03cd\u03ca\u03b4\u03b1: \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b1, \u03b4\u03b7\u03bb\u03bf\u1fd6 \u03b4\u1f72 \u1f04\u03bb\u03bb\u03c9\u03c2 \u03c4\u03bf\u1f54\u03bd\u03bf\u03bc\u03b1 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03ba\u03b5\u03c1\u03b1\u03bc\u03b5\u03bf\u1fe6\u03bd \u03c4\u03b9\u00a0\u03c3\u03ba\u03b5\u1fe6\u03bf\u03c2 \u03b5\u1f30\u03c2 \u1f43 \u1f04\u03bb\u03c6\u03b9\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd \u1f10\u03bc\u03b2\u03ac\u03bb\u03bb\u03b5\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9.\n\n\n[34] Cf. ANDORLINI 2001, 117.\n\n\n[35]Cf. e.g. Dsc. MM \u00a0III 11, 2,3-4 and IV 31, 1,7 (II 19,8-9 and 193,9 Wellmann); Gal. De comp. med. sec. loc. I 2 and II 2 (XII 405,8-9 and 583,17 K.); Orib. Syn. III 135, 2,3-4 and VIII 50, 5,1 (CMG VI 3, 102,8-9 and 267,19 Raeder); A\u00ebt. VI 15,10-1 and 24,68 (CMG VIII 2, 155,16-7 and 166,5 Olivieri); Hippiatr.Berol. XI 30,3 (\u0399 68,1 Oder-Hoppe) and Paris. 357,3 (II 57,12 Oder-Hoppe).\n\n\n[36] Cf. especially Dsc. MM II 78,1-4 (I 159,8-160,18 Wellmann).\n\n\n[37] Cf. YOUTIE 1985, 370-2.\n\n\n[38] Cf. YOUTIE 1996, 10.\n\n\n[39] See what is said s.vv. \u03c7\u03cd\u03c4\u03c1\u03b1 and \u03ba\u03b1\u03ba\u03ba\u03ac\u03b2\u03b7 C 1.\n\n\n[40] With earthen vessels is more often used the adjective \u03ba\u03b1\u03b9\u03bd\u03cc\u03c2, \u00abnew\u00bb. See especially Gal. De simpl. med. fac. XI 44 (XII 364,9-10 K.) and De comp. med. sec. loc. I 2 (XII 433,10 K.). The \u03ba\u03b1\u03b9\u03bd\u03cc\u03c2 is also attested in a medical papyrus, GMP I 4,7-8 \u1f00\u03b3\u03b3\u03b5\u1fd6\u03bf\u03bd \u03ba[\u03b5]\u03c1\u03b1\/\u03bc\u03b5\u03bf\u1fe6\u03bd\u0323 \u03ba\u03b1\u03b9\u03bd\u03cc\u03bd (LDAB 3910; MP3 2412). Cf. LUISELLI 2001, 62 and TABORELLI 1996, 153.\n\n\n[41] Cf. e.g. Gal. De comp. med. sec. per gen. II 17 and V 10, as well as VII 12 (XIII 538,9-10 and 822,18-823,1, as well as 917,4-5 K.).\n\n\n[42] Cf. ANDORLINI 1995, 16: \u00abla finale ammette anche altre soluzioni, come \u03bc\u03c5]\u03be\u1ff6\u03b4\u03b5\u03c2 (\u2018di muffa\u2019, detto per di pi\u00f9 di un \u2018liquido\u2019 organico [\u2026]), e forse \u1f40]\u03be\u1ff6\u03b4\u03b5\u03c2, che connota una propriet\u00e0 \u2018aspra come l\u2019aceto\u2019\u00bb.\n\n\n[43] Cf. BONATI 2014 s.v. 4. A similar situation in Latin literature, cf. HILGERS, LG 266 s.v. \u00a0See also POTTIER, DA IV\/1 794 and nn. 5-11 s.v., as well as TABORELLI 1996, 156 for the specific case of Scribonius Largus.\n\n\n[44] Cf. Suda \u03ba 2668 Adler (\u2245 schol. Ar. Eq. 906,1-2) s.v. \u03ba\u03c5\u03bb\u03af\u03c7\u03bd\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd\u00b7 \u1f14\u03ba\u03c0\u03c9\u03bc\u03b1\u0387 \u1f43 \u03bd\u1fe6\u03bd \u03bb\u03ad\u03b3\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9 \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd. \u1f14\u03c7\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9 \u03b4\u1f72 \u03bf\u1f31 \u1f30\u03b1\u03c4\u03c1\u03bf\u1f76 \u03c4\u1f70 \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03b4\u03b9\u03b1, \u1f10\u03bd \u03bf\u1f37\u03c2 \u03b2\u03ac\u03bb\u03bb\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9 \u03c4\u1f70 \u03c0\u03ac\u03c3\u03bc\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1.\n\n\n[45] Cf. also e.g. Dsc. MM \u00a0III 83, 3,6-7 (II 100,12-3 Wellmann).\n\n\n[46] Cf. KISA 1908 (II), 337-8; POTTIER, DA IV\/1 795 s.v.; RICHTER-MILNE 1935, 20-1; EAA II 503 with references, as well as the web page http:\/\/www.perseus.tufts.edu\/hopper\/text?doc=Perseus:text:1999.04.0004:id=pyxis.\n\n\n[47] Cf. BLIQUEZ 1994, 70, with imm. (here reproduced) on p. 199 (ill. no. 210). The author also suggests an alternative use as ink-pot (atramentarium). Anyway, also this object could be named \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03c2, as documented by late sources (cf. Nilus Cabasil. Ep. p. 103).\n[48]\u00a0On this discovery and the analysis of its content, see EVERSHED et al. 2004, 35-6, from which the following information is taken.\n\n"},{"@type":"D. BIBLIOGRAPHY","@lang":"en","@value":"1. Lexicon entries\nThGLVII 2241C-D s.v.; LSJ9 1554 s.v.; TLL X,2.2 2796,73-2798,52 s.v.; DU CANGE, GMIG I 1274 s.v. \u03c0\u03c5\u03be\u03af\u03bf\u03bd; GMIL VI 580 s.v.; LSJ9 1554 s.v.; FORCELLINI, LTL III 983-4 s.v.; BOISACQ, DELG 827 s.v. \u03c0\u03cd\u03be\u03bf\u03c2; CHANTRAINE, DELG II 956 s.v. \u03c0\u03cd\u03be\u03bf\u03c2; FRISK, GEW II 626 and III 174 s.v. \u03c0\u03cd\u03be\u03bf\u03c2; BEEKES, EDG II 1259 s.v. \u03c0\u03cd\u03be\u03bf\u03c2; SAALFELD, TIG 966 s.v.; SHIPP 1979, 477 s.v.; LATHAM, RML 385 s.v.; ANDRIOTHS, \u0395\u039b\u039a\u039d 304 s.v.; DIMITRAKOS, \u039c\u039b \u0399\u0399 1411 e \u039d\u039b 1189 s.v.; STAMATAKOS, \u039b\u039d\u0395\u0393 III 2444 s.v.; POTTIER, DA IV\/1 794-5 s.v.; HILGERS, LG 265-7 s.v.; KIPFER 2000, 463 s.v.; PREISIGKE, Wb II 436 s.v.\n\u00a0\n2. Secondary literature \nSPARKES-TALCOTT 1970, 173-8; FISCHER 1992, 143; ANDORLINI 1995, 16 and 19;YOUTIE 1996, 10; EAA II 503; GHIRETTI 2010, 113; BONATI 2016, 123-55\u00a0s.v."},{"@type":"E. CPGM reference(s)","@lang":"en","@value":"GMP I 10, fr,B, col.I, l.19 - SoSOL 2014 475\nPSI Congr. XXI 3v, col.I, l.7 and col.II, l.4 - SoSOL 2016 454\nP.Haun. III 47r,13 - SoSOL 2015 495\nP.Mich. XVII 758 Av,4 \u2013 SoSOL 2011 1110"},{"@type":"AUTHOR","@lang":"en","@value":"Isabella Bonati"}]}