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  4. ἐκκοπεύς

var. ἐγκοπεύς

lat. scalper, exisorius scalper


Considered by Celsus (De medicina 8.3.1-2 [CML 1, 374-375 Marx]) one of the two preferred tools of the surgeon together with the drill, the chisel is still today an object that is identified with the surgical profession.[1]

The ἐκκοπεύς[2] is a well attested instrument in medical literature for its use in several surgical operations, mainly in bone surgery; the evidence recorded by TLG show that the greatest number of occurrences are found in Oribasius, in particular in the paragraphs attributed to Heliodorus[3].

However, the term ἐκκοπεύς has not always been understood in just one way[4], being sometimes understood as a scalpel, sometimes as a chisel. Milne, in his admirable review of surgical instruments, categorizes it among the 'bone and tooth instruments'[5], tending towards identification with a type of flat chisel and not accepting Vulpes' suggestion that it was a type of scalpel[6]. In agreement with Milne, Marganne seems to understand ἐκκοπεύς as a particular form of scalpel, suitable for cutting bones: "l'exciseur ou ciseau (ἐκκοπεύς) [qui] est un scalpel destiné à exciser un os, un fragment d'os ou un cal osseux" (Marganne 1987: 406) and '[l]e substantif ἐκκοπεύς désigne un scalpel destiné à exciser (ἐκκόπτω), d'où notre traduction 'exciseur'' (Marganne 1998: 74); the editor princeps of P. Strasb. 1187, in which the term is used (see below), while recognizing in ἐκκοπεύς a 'surgical instrument', identified it with a 'knife for excising' (Lewis 1936: 92). Fausti, on the contrary, understood ἐκκοπεύς as "uno scalpello chirurgico piatto […], [che] viene usato  come osteotomo soprattutto per le costole o per operazioni di chirurgia cranica insieme al trapano" (Fausti 1989: 164).

[1] The Italian chisel, attested since the 16th century, is an abbreviation of scalprum and scalper and has maintained the Latin etymology, indicating an instrument for bone surgery, while in modern languages it has undergone a semantic translation, since today the English 'scalper' and the German 'Skalpell' identify the surgical scalpel (DESTM 767, s.v. scalpellum). Incidentally, scalpel "comes from the ancient Italian pistorese 'pistoiese' and refers to the notoriety of the blades produced in Pistoia in the Middle Ages" (DESLI 130). The confusion in associating the exact object to the word "nomen" is sometimes also documented by dictionaries: see, precisely in the case of the English 'scalper', the association to the Latin scalpellum in LM 1971 (1040, s.v. 159 scalper).

[2] The word  appears in medieval lists of medical terms: see Bliquez 1984: 196; Fischer 1989: 37-38; Schöne 1903: 282.

[3] The occurrences of the forms of ἐκκοπεύς are certified, in the medical field, 11 times in Galen, 3 times in the pseudo-galenic Introductio sive medicus, 24 times in Heliodorus/Oribasius and 14 times in Paul of Aegina. The most significant passages are commented on in the following paragraph, set aside for testimonia.

[4] As Ghiretti 2010 points out: 63-64.

[5] Milne 1907: 121-142.

[6] "The chisel figured by Vulpes, consisting of a cylindrical bronze handle and a flat blade is, I believe, a variety of scalpels" (Milne 1907: 122). Vulpes was the publisher of surgical finds excavated in Pompeii and Herculaneum in the mid-19th century (see Vulpes 1847).


1.-2. Etymology- General linguistic commentary

The term ἐκκοπεύς derives from the verb ἐκκόπτω which has, among the most frequent meanings, that of 'cut out, knock out' (Lsj9 510 s.v.). Derived from the verb κόπτω, 'frapper d'un coup sec, tailler' (Chantraine 563-564 s.v.), the compound specializes, in a broad sense, in the semantics of destruction and, in a medical sense, in the meaning of 'amputate'. The etymology, as suggested by Chantraine and Pokorny (930-930 s.v.), seems to refer to an Indo-European root (s)kē̆p-2/(s)kō̆p-/(s)kā̆ p-; (s)kē̆b(h)-/skob(h)-/skā̆ b(h)- which relates to the semantics of 'to work with a sharp instrument'. The roots have given rise to three language groups in : with bilabial occlusive sound -b (e.g. in mid-high German schepfen, hence the German schöpfen), with dental labiodental -bh (lat. scabō, -ere 'scratch, scrape', scaber 'scabies, mange' and, in vocalism in -o-, scobis 'filing, scraping' and scobīna 'raspa') and finally with bilabial occlusive deaf -p (like gr. κόπτω and lat. capō or capus 'capon').

The verb is very prolific in Greek and its semantic field has action nouns, such as κόπος, 'peine, souffrance, fatigue' - but often in composition it refers to the primary sense of cutting, as in λιθόκοπος 'tailleur de pierres' -, κοπή 'action de frapper, trancher', documented in the classical period in composition and only in the Hellenistic period without prepositions, from which other denominatives such as συγκοπή 'syncope', κοπεύς 'nome de l'ouvriere qui écrase les olives'- confirmed in this meaning in papyrus, but also 'ciseur de tailleur in Lucanus - and the item under investigation here, in the two variants ἐκκοπεύς and ἐγκοπεύς. Other deverbative nouns of action include κόμμα 'frappe d'une monnaie', κομμμός or κοπετός 'coup dont on se frappe la tête et la poitrine', noun 'de sens très précise' documented  in dramatic works, and finally ἀνάκοψις, not documented without preposition, which in the medical field means 'intervals'. κόπτω gives rise, besides nouns of action, also to some names of instruments (such as κόπτρα 'salaire du tailleur de pierres', κοπτούρα 'mortier pour faire de la farine' and κοπτήριον 'aire où le grain est battu') and adjectives (such as, among others, παρακοπτικός 'frénetique', used in the microlanguage of medicine).

3. Abbreviation(s) in the papyry

No abbreviated form had appeared, as yet.

B. TESTIMONIA - A selection of representative sources

1. P. Strasb. inv. 1187, Fr. A, co. I, rr. 1-18 (II CE)

   ]  ̣  ̣  ̣ [ϲ]ι̣̣ν̣αρὰϲ τότε | ]ἐ̣φώρα̣ϲεν τρῆμα | ]νων εἶτα διὰ τῆϲ | τ]ῶν ἐκκοπέων δια | ]ἐ̣πιτέλει τὸν βαϲτα- |]  ̣ τὰ μὲν τὰ ἐργα. | ]α̣θων· ἐπὶ δὲ τῶν | ]ν ο̣ὐχ ἀποδίδε̣ται μα- | π]ροσεπιτρέπει τῷ τρυ| [πάνῳ                      ]  ̣  ̣  ̣ ἕωϲ κενεμβατεῖν ε- | τῶ[ν ϲμειλιο\ω/τῶν ἐκκοπέω(ν) | ]  ̣  ̣  ̣ ι̣ν̣ δι’ ἑνὸϲ τῶν βα- | ] ̣  ̣ γ  ̣  ̣  ̣  ̣ τω ̣ ε βαϲτα- | ].ν ϲιναρῶν τῶν ϲιναρῶν ὁ παθώ(ν) | [διαμό]τωϲιϲ ἐνκρείνεται καὶ ἡ̣ πυοποιὸϲ | [θεραπ]εία· ἐκεῖνο δὲ εἰδέναι δεῖ ὅτι ἐπὶ τοῦ | [      τῶ]ν ἀποστημ̣άτων μετὰ ὀλίγαϲ τα̣. |]  ̣αἱφνίδιον ὁρᾶτ̣α̣ι τὸ βάθοϲ ἀνα-        


... lésés, alors ... il découvrit un trou ... ensuite, au moyen de la ... des exciseurs ... il accomplit (ou achève) ... les opérations d’une part
... d’autre part, pour les ... n’est pas évacué (ou restitué?) ... il permet au trépan... tomber dans le vide ... des exciseurs en forme de scalpels ... au moyen d’un des … des... lésés, le malade on adopte l’application de charpie e le traitement suppuratif; mai en ce domaine, il faut savoir que pour le ... des abcès après quelques ... soudain on voit la profondeur (Marganne 1998: 73)


2. Gal. Meth. med. 6.150 [10.446.12-18 K.] (II CE)

τῶν δ’ ἄχρι μήνιγγος διασχότων, εἰ μὲν εἴη μόνη ῥωγμὴ, τοῖς εἰρημένοις ξυστῆρσι χρηστέον· εἰ δὲ μετὰ θλάσεώς τινος, ἐκκόπτειν χρὴ τὸ τεθλασμένον, ἤτοι διὰ τρυπάνων ἐν κύκλῳ πρότερον κατατιτρῶντα, κᾄπειθ’ οὕτω χρώμενον τοῖς ἐκκοπεῦσιν, ἢ διὰ τῶν κυκλίσκων εὐθὺς ἐξ ἀρχῆς.

Of those divisions that extend as far as the meninges, if it is a fracture alone, you must use the aforementioned raspatories. If it is combined with some crushing, it is necessary to excise what has been crushed either perforating first in a circle with trephines and then, in like manner, using the knives, or perforating with the cyclisci immediately from the outset (Johnston-Horsley 2011: 219)


3. Gal. De anat. admin. 7.2 [2.592.10-14 K.]

καταμαθήσῃ δ’αὐτοῦ τὴν φύσιν ἀκριβῶς, ἐὰν διακόψῃς τὸ πρόσθιον ὀστοῦν τοῦ θώρακος μέσον, ὃ προσαγορεύουσιν οἱ ἀνατομικοὶ στέρνον, ἔχῃς δ’ εἰς τοῦτο παρεσκευασμένους τοὺς καλουμένους ἐκκοπεῖς, ἰσχυρούς τε ἅμα καὶ ὀξεῖς.

Familiarize yourself well with the characteristics of that part [of the body], if you want to incise the bone in the middle of the anterior part of the chest, which scholars of anatomy call the sternum; to do this, you have to use the chisels that are specifically appropriate for this surgery, i.e. the sturdy and very sharp ones.


4. Gal. De anat. admin. 8.7 (2.686.10-11 K.)

τούτου σοι καλῶς πραχθέντος, ἐκκοπτέσθω τὸ τῆς πλευρᾶς  ὀστοῦν, ἀντιβαλλομένων δυοῖν ἀλλήλοις ἐκκοπέων, ὡς ἔθος.

Separate off the membranes adhering to the bone, which being properly done, divide the bone of the ribs by means of two chisels placed in opposition to each other secundum artem (Milne 1907: 123)


5. P. Ryl. 3.529, R., col. I, rr. 1-10 (end III CE)

[  ̣  ̣] τῷδε καὶ ῥεῖν ν̣ε̣ [  ̣]  ̣ [    ] | [  ̣  ̣] ε̣ πρὸϲ τὴν τῶν ὀξειδ[ί]- | [ων] ορ̣π̣η̣  ̣ϲιν. ϲὺν δὲ το̣[ύ]- | τοιϲ ἤτο̣ι ϲ[  ̣]λ̣ε̣ο̣ϲ̣ καὶ ὁ κ̣εφα- | λικὸϲ ϲ ̣[  ̣] . πρὸϲ ἔνια γὰρ τῶ̣[ν] | ὀϲτῶν ν̣  ̣α  ̣  ̣ε̣θ̣ε̣  [  ̣]ν ἀπ[ο]- | πρ̣ί̣ε̣ιν οὐκ ἔϲτιν ἐπιτήδε̣ι̣α | ἔ̣χ̣[ο]ν̣τ̣ο̣ϲ̣ ἐκκοπὴν προε- | με̣ῖ̣ν̣. τὰ ἔργα ὀφείλει ταῦ- | τα ἑτοιμάζεϲθαι

… à celui-ci et couler … pour la … des vinaigres … Mais avec ceuxlà, certes, … et le … de la tête. Car, pour certains os … réséquer per la scie, il n’est pas requis, lorsqu’on a une excision, de vomir avant. Ces actes doivent être préparés (Marganne 1998: 119).


6. Heliod. ap. Orib. Coll.med. 44.8.6 [CMG 6.2.1, 122.37-39 - 123.1 Raeder] (IV CE)

διακοπτέσθω δὲ τῆς πλευρᾶς καθ’ ἓν μέρος τὸ πλεῖον πάχος, καὶ λεπτὴ συνέχεια καταλειπέσθω, εἶτα τότε τὸ ἕτερον διὰ τῶν ἐκκοπέων διαιρείσθω ὅλον.

D’un côté on divisera la majeure partie de l’épaisseur de la côte, et on laissera une adhérence de peu d’épaisseur; après cela, on divisera l’autre côté de part en part à l’aide de scalpels à excision (Daremberg 1851-1876: III 583)


7. Paul.Aeg. 6.43 [CMG 9.2, 84.16-23 Heiberg] (VII CE)

τῶν οὖν ἀπὸ σκυτάλης ἐκπεφυκότων πρῶτον τὴν σάρκα κατὰ κύκλον ἐκτέμωμεν μέχρις ὀστέου αὐτό τε τὸ ὀστέον τῷ ἐκκοπεῖ διακόπτοντες ἢ πρίσει αὐτὸ ἀφαιροῦντες

In the removal of supernumerary digits we are to cut away the flesh all around, and either chop the bone through with a chisel (τῷ ἐκκοπεῖ), or remove it by sawing (Milne 1907: 122) 


8. Paul.Aeg. 6.93.3 [CMG 9.2, 147.19-22 Heiberg]

εἰ δὲ μέρος τι τῆς κλειδὸς ἀποθραυσθέν τε καὶ ἀστατοῦν ἢ καὶ νύττον αἰσθόμεθα, σμίλῃ διατέμνοντες ἐπ’ ὀρθὸν τό τε ἀποθραυσθὲν ἀφέλωμεν καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ δι’ ἐκκοπέων ἐξομαλίσωμεν ὑποβεβλημένου τῇ κλειδὶ μηνιγγοφύλακος ἢ ἑτέρου ἐκκοπέως διὰ τὸ ἑδραῖον

If part of the clavicle is broken off and unconnected, and if we find it irritating the parts, we must make a straight incision with a scalpel and remove the broken portion and smooth it with chisels (δι’ ἐκκοπέων), taking care that the instrument called ‘meningophylax’, or another chisel, be put under the clavicle (μηνινγοφύλαξ ἢ ἑτέρου ἐκκοπέως), to steady it” (Milne 1907: 123)


9. Paul.Aeg. 6.109 [CMG 9.2, 163.5-6 Heiberg]

εἰ δὲ λιθώδης ἤδη γεγένηται, σμίλῃ τὴν ἐπιφάνειαν διελόντες ἐκκοπεῦσιν λύσομεν τοῦ ὀστοῦ τὴν συνέχειαν

If the callus be of stony hardness incise the skin with a scalpel, and divide the union with a chisels (ἐκκοπεῦσι) (Milne 1907: 122)


1. ἐκκοπεύς and its sources

There were a variety of chisels available to Greek surgeons: as Galen testifies, they could be sturdy and sharp[1], a variant to which also Heliodorus (ap. Oribasius) would seem to refer when he compares a  very heavy scalpel to the blade of a chisel[2] - evidently rather sturdy; or they could be thin but resistant, called γομφωτήρ[3].

There is also a particular form of ἐκκοπεύς, namely σμιλιωτὸς ἐκκοπεύς, a sharp chisel[4] as well as a σμιλίον, 'scalpel', used for minor amputations. The adjective is of particular interest because it occurs in only three medical authors, Dioscorides[5], Heliodorus ap. Oribasius (eight substantiations, see below among the accounts) and Paul of Aegina[6]; the first two had their floruit  in the second half of the first century AD, suggesting - although drawing conclusions ex silentio is always a risky conclusion - that the adjective, whose terminus post quem would therefore be the second half of the first century AD, could correspond to a linguistic innovation that follows a technical innovation in the surgical field[7]. The presence of the adjective in P. Strasb. 1187[8], dated to the II century A.D., makes of the papyrus the third piece of evidence in order of time and becomes an  element of proof for the attribution of the Strasbourg papyrus to the physician Heliodorus[9].

The corresponding term in Latin  of ἐκκοπεύς is the excissorius scalper (or not adjectivated scalper), indicated also in the form scalprum planum, both forms present in Celsus[10].

In written accounts it also goes under the name of ἐκκοπεύς an instrument that nowadays is indicated with the technical term 'gouge'[11]: it is distinguished from the chisel by having a concave blade with a semicircular section; in Greek, this peculiarity was marked with the use of adjectives such as κυκλίσκος and κοιλός.[12] It is possible that the gouge was introduced for use in surgery during the Hellenistic period, if Galen (ap. Oribasius) indicates it as a modern invention.[13] Not being technically a chisel, this variant of ἐκκοπεύς will not be presented in its written accounts and in the following realia[14].

Among the written sources of medical literature on papyrus, both the simple ἐκκοπεύς and σμιλιωτὸς ἐκκοπεύς are shown together in P. Strasb. 1187 (fr. A, col. I, rr. 4 and 13)[15] where it concerns bone surgery. The state of preservation of the document makes the text rather flawed in several points. However it is possible to hypothesize, starting from the present lexicon,[16] that the treatment should concern  bone surgery for the removal of abscesses or fistulas.

In addition to the two types of chisels, the papyrus also presents the term τρύπανον (fr. A, col. I, rr. 9-10), the noun τρῆμα (fr. A, col. I, r. 2) and the technical verb κενεμβατείν, 'to reach a cavity' (fr. A, col. I, r. 10). The reconstruction proposed by Fausti 1989 suggests that the surgery consisted in the resection of the diseased bone, perhaps of a rib or skull - after having drilled a hole - with an ἐκκοπεύς and then with a σμιλιωτὸς ἐκκοπεύς; at that point, one could proceed with the tip of the τρύπανον[17] until reaching a cavity (ἕ̣ως κενεμβατείν).[18] Then, as often happens in invasive surgical procedures[19] the application of a buffer (διαμότωσις)[20] and  supplementary therapy is recommended (πυοποιός θεραπεία).[21]


The operation carried out with the ἐκκοπεύς, or rather ἐκκοπή, is documented in P. Ryl. 2.529 (r col. I r. 8),[22] regarding the treatment of the dislocated shoulder.[23] The extremely fragmentary state of most of the first column does not allow for a thorough analysis of the passage. However it is possible to hypothesize that the operation refers to the surgical reduction of a dislocated shoulder complicated by an exposed fracture (see also the use of the technical verb ἀπ[ο]|π̣ρ̣ί̣ειν, rr.6-7). In the following section, we distinguish two dislocation correction techniques,  one called 'alexandrine', in which the patient is placed [in a sitting position] καθ̣έ̣[δριον] (r. 67), and the one proposed by the author of the treatise, which places the patient lying down, because the position is safer than the previous one. The procedure involves the repositioning of the injured shoulder through manipulation procedures which do not make use of metal levers or supports. These are rejected by the author, whose technique seems to be handed down only through this papyrus.[24]

The Greek word ἐκκοπεύς is not mentioned in epigraphy. On the Latin side, however, there is an iconographic representation of a scalprum in a stele of the 2nd century A.D. found in Bojano (Campobasso, Italy), which however seems to refer to a different context from that of medicine. The stele, which contains the first representation of the dextrarum iunctio in Bovianum, has six instruments in the lower part, (not all of which can be identified with certainty), which could be identified with a theca libraria, a calamus, an atramentarium, a scalprum and two boxes. The proximity of the scalprum to the other objects suggests that "the work of Aristius [to whom the stele is dedicated][25] should be identified in the school environment or in the environment of the scribes" (De Benedittis 1995: 40-41).

The literary references of the noun ἐκκοπεύς, as previously mentioned, are very numerous; it appears in various operations of surgical practice, in particular in those types of operations involving bones of medium (sternum, clavicles) or small length (phalanges) or flat bones (such as those of the skull), which must be detached or removed (ribs, collarbone, skull bones κτλ); as evidenced by Galen, the instruments must be strong and sturdy and particularly sharp. It seems that ekkopeus is used when it is necessary to detach the bone from the cartilage, i.e. when the resistance is such that the scalpel is no longer enough but it is not yet necessary to use more intrusive tools such as the drill.

In the examination of various medical instruments, among those used for particular operations ('the specialist instruments') Jackson mentions the chisel and the drill, to signify their indispensability in the ancient surgeon's kit. Regarding the applications of the bone chisel, in particular, he identifies three macro-categories of use:

"[t]he bone chisel had three major roles. Together with the drill it was used to divide bone, either in freeing an embedded weapon point or in detaching a disc of bone from the cranium in trephination; in compound fractures it was used to pare away sharp projecting bone; and in those cases requiring the removal of bone, for example the amputation of fingers or toes, or was used as an osteotome. For the last operation it was recommended that two chisels were used in opposition" (Jackson 1987: 418).


2. ἐκκοπεύς word and object

Most of the chisels used in ancient surgery were made of iron with wooden, bone or iron handles, like the tools commonly used by carpenters[26]; furthermore, in some cases, within the findings of homogeneous groups of medical-surgical instruments, there are also tools of various kinds, used to work wood or to build the equipment that a doctor or a surgeon might need.[27] Hence the difficulty in identifying with certainty some artefacts found in archaeological excavations that were not part of a complete set: this is the case of the 'chisels' found in Bingen, seen by Jackson more as working tools than as medical devices.[28]

The reasons for the unlikely survivability of specimens with perishable wooden or bone handles stress the importance of the preservation of  the objects, which often, if not destroyed, have at least damaged the handle, making it difficult to recognize.[29] The best preserved models in ancient surgery were made of iron, with wooden , bone or iron handles as those commented below.

[1] A specimen of ἐκκοπεύς found in the excavations of Luxemburgestrasse and held  in the collection of the Museum of Cologn certainly belonged to the number of surgical chisels: it is a steel specimen decorated with spiral motifs and, in all probability, was part of a set belonging to a surgeon; all preserved, inside the find were ,"a phlebotome, a chisel, and some fragments of other instruments of steel, two forceps and two sharp hooks in bronze, and a small ivory pestle-like instruments" (Milne 1907: 23).


(Milne 1907: Plate XLI fig. 2)


[2] Besides this, two exemplars of the instrument named ἐκκοπεύς have also  been found in the set of surgical instruments acquired by the British Museum in 1968 and (presumably) coming from Italy: the importance of the collection as evidence of an almost complete instrumentarium has already been mentioned.[30] The two instruments are, in substance, identical, except for a difference in the imprint of the second one, slightly thicker; the handle is made of brass, to which the iron blade is joined without soldering points[31].


(Jackson 1986: 125, also replicated in Jackson 1987: 418)


(Jackson 1986: plate XII, B)


[3] The samples closest to those of the British Museum come from the excavations of the Xanten baths at the Rheinisches Landesmuseum in Bonn: "The closest parallels to the present chisels are two of near identical form found with two scalpels and an elevator in a room in the baths at Xanten. They have slender, slightly waisted, octagonal-sectioned handles with narrow blades in good enough condition to discern a slight bevel on one face of the cutting edge. They are a pair, of almost identical size, like Nos. 17 and 18, and also display a lightly burred head, the product of use with a mallet. In view of the manipulation for osteotomy involving the use of a pair of chisels, the presence of two chisels in each of these sets is of some interest" (Jackson 1986: 145).



Chisels from the thermal baths of Colonia Ulpia Traiana, Xanten, preserved at the Rheinisches Landesmuseum (Künzl 1996: 2606-2607).


[4] Among the finds from the excavations of Pompeii and Herculaneum, three iron chisels (chisels) were also catalogued by Vulpes (1847: 80-81), two of which had brass handles.

According to the professor's description, the different morphology of the two objects suggests that they had a different purpose and were used in different surgical contexts: "[In] fig. VII we see one of the two full-sized iron chisels with bronze handles. It, despite the rust, totally resembles the iron tool ( beating it with a hammer)  used by our stonecutters to work  stone, and also by woodcarvers. This chisel would be the scalper excisorius of which Cornelius Celso speaks [...]. The chisel depicted in fig. VIII, where I saw it a little broken towards the head, is too large to be used for the same purpose as the previous figure; but this one, also beaten with a hammer, could very well be used to carry out amputations of bones as utilised by our ancestors". Jackson also hypothesizes that the blade described by Vulpes could be the final part of a surgical chisel[32], although "[a] rather larger example from Pompeii/Herculaneum is figured by Vulpes, but the drawing is not sufficiently detailed to permit a certain identification" (Jackson 1986: 145).



(Vulpes 1847: Table VII, Figs. VII and VIII).

[5] A specimen of ἐκκοπεύς was also found at Kallion (also found by Künzl 1983: 40 and 42 fig. 11 no. 4), described by Jackson: "[o]ne in a grave group from Kallion, Greece slightly smaller than the pair in the present set, has a particularly slender blade with splayed cutting edge" (Jackson 1986: 145).



(Künzl 1983: 42 Fig. 11 No 4).

[6] The tomb of the doctor in Bingen also probably yielded a copy of ἐκκοπεύς with an iron blade mounted on a wooden handle (Como 1925: 160, fig. 6, no. 6), although the description of the object ("Eisenmeißel, dessen Spitze in einem Holzgriff saß.") is not particularly accurate in this case.

[7] Among the objects on display at the Coptic Museum in Cairo there is also a type of chisel (no. 5009) identified as a surgical instrument of the Byzantine period coming from Egypt (Bliquez 1984: 189s.), although the information about the objects is inadequate to state this with certainty: "[i]t will be seen at once that without further finds, the material evidence surviving from the Byzantine period is not abundant. And, since it is so far impossible to demonstrate that many of these pieces are in fact surgical tools, or in some cases that they are even Byzantine, the evidence may even be called mearger".



(Bliquez 1984: 192ter, no. 9, 'small chisel')


[1] See. Gal. De anat. admin. 7.148 [2.592.13-14 K.] ἔχης δ' εἰς τοῦτο παρασκευασμένους τοὺς καλουμένους ἐκκοπεῖς, ἰσχυροί τε ἅμα καὶ ὀξεῖς.

[2] See Heliod. ap. Orib. Coll. med. 44.8.9 [CMG 6.2.1, 123.5-7 Raeder]: ἐπὶ δὲ τῶν χονδρωδῶν χρὴ καὶ ἀναιρεῖσθαι διὰ σμιλίου βαρυτάτου ἢ κατ ἐνέρεισιν ἀκμῇ σμιλίου τοῦ ἐκκοπέως.

[3] See Heliod. ap. Orib. Coll. med. 44.20.15 [CMG 6.2.1, 136.5-6 Raeder]: ἐκκοπέα χρὴ τῶν στενῶν καὶ πάχος ἱκανὸν ἐχόντων; οἶοί εἰσιν οἱ καλούλεμενοι γομφωτῆρες. γομφωτήρ means, according to Lsj9 356 s.v., the tenon, that is, the part commonly called 'male' in the joints in wood, metal or stone, built in relief so as to fit perfectly into the other half of the joint, called mortise or ‘female’. This type of chisel must, therefore, have a protruding part at the tip.

[4] That the adjective highlights this characteristic of the instrument is clear in a Plutarch's passage in which the σμίλιον ἰατρικόν is used to cut hair and nails (Plut. Mor. 60 B 3 ὥσπερ οὖν τὰς εἴ τις ἀνθρώπου φύματα καὶ σύριγγας ἔχοντος ἰατρικῷ σμιλίῳ τὰς τρίχας τέμνοι καὶ τοὺς ὄνυχας [...].

[5] Dsc. 1.68: "δευτερεύει [...] καὶ ὁ σμιλιωτός, ὃν ἔνιοι κοπίσκον καλοῦσι, μικρότερον καὶ κιρρότερον ὄντα". The mention of σμιλιωτὸς in Dioscorides refers to a particular type of incense (λίβανος, Boswellia Carterii), also known as κοπίσκος, which is less valuable than premium white incense, and is distinguished by being smaller and yellow in colour. The terms 'σμιλιωτός' and 'κοπίσκον' probably refer to the specific shape of the leaves of this variety of incense, pointed like an σμιλίον and sharp like an κοπίς (respectively 'chopper, broad curved knife' and 'sting of a scorpion', Lsj9 1 and 2, 978 s.v.). For a more detailed comment on this passage see Ghiretti 2010: 65.

[6] There are, in all three claims of σμιλιωτός in Paul of Aegina: in the "canonical" form with sigma and iota, not referring to the chisel but probably with an implied neutral noun e.g.. ὄργανον, appears in a passage concerning the extraction of supernumerary teeth:  ἐπειδὴ δὲ καὶ περιττοί τινες ὀδόντες παραφύονται, τοὺς μὲν προσπεφυκότας τῷ φατνίῳ διὰ τῶν σμιλιωτῶν ἐκκόψωμεν, τοὺς δὲ μὴ προσπεφυκότας διὰ τῆς ὀδοντάγρας κομισώμεθα  (Paul.Aeg. 6.28.1 [CMG 9.2, 66.7-10 Heiberg] [and since sometimes supernumerary teeth are formed, those that are fixed in the socket we must scrape down with a graving-tool, but those that are not so fixed we must extract with a tooth-extractor (Adams 1846: 294)]. The other two turn out to be complicated by an alternative textual variant of the adjective: not σμιλιωτός but μηλιωτός, as testified also by Lsj9 160 s.v.; in the first passage, again, the adjective is absolutus, in the second one it is an attribute of ἐκκοπεύς. In both, however, despite the doubtful  textual variant, it seems that the characteristic of the instrument that we want to highlight here is the sharpness of the cut καὶ εἰ μὲν ἀσθενὲς εἴη τὸ ὀστοῦν ἢ φύσει ἢ ἐκ τοῦ κατάγματος, ἀντιθέτοις ἐκκοπεῦσι τοῦτο περιέλωμεν πρῶτον τοῖς κυκλισκωτοῖς ἀπὸ τοῦ πλατυτέρου ἀρχόμενοι καὶ μεταμείβοντες τοὺς στενοτέρους, κἄπειτα τοῖς μηλιωτοῖς, ἠρεμαίως ἐπικρούοντες τῇ σφύρᾳ διὰ τὸν διασεισμὸν τῆς κεφαλῆς. Aeg. 6.90.4 [CMG 9.2, 139.16-20 Heiberg] [and if the bone be weak, either naturally or from the fracture, we cut it ou with counter-perforators, beginning first with the broader ones and changing to the narrower, and then using those which are of the form of a specillum, striking gently with the mallet to avoid shaking the head (Adams 1846: 431)]), followed by the indication to use an abaptiston drill (see the testimony among the accounts of τρύπανον): then comes the following paragraph: μετὰ δὲ τὴν τοῦ ὀστέου κομιδὴν ἐξομαλίσαντες τὴν ἀπὸ τῆς ἐκκοπῆς τοῦ κρανίου τραχύτητα ξυστῆρι ἤ τινι τῶν μηλιωτῶν ἐκκοπέωνὑποβαλλομένου μηνιγγοφύλακος καὶ τὰ ὡς εἰκὸς ἀπομείναντα ὀστάρια ἢ ἀκίδας εὐφυῶς κομισάμενοι ἐπὶ τὴν διαμότωσιν χωρήσομεν. Aeg. 6.90.5 [CMG 9.2, 140.6-10 Heiberg] [after the removal of the bone, having cleared away any asperity that remained after the cutting of the bone with a carving instrument or the extremity of a perforator, using the meningo-phylax as a protector, and bringing away carefully the small bones and spiculæ which remain, we proceed to the application of the dreggings (Adams 1846: 432)]). Compared to these last two steps, Bliquez provides an alternative interpretation of the adjective, not believing it to be a variant of σμιλιωτός but referring to another type of chisel: "Gomphoter suggests a bolt- or nail-like punch, which may be the same as the chisel mentioned by Paul as μηλιωτός, i.e. a chisel round and pointed like a simple probe", adding in note "[t]his makes more sense than taking μηλιωτός as a varient of σμιλιωτός, as do LSJ" (Bliquez 2015: 193).

[7] The unusual nature of the term may have created some difficulties for late copyists, as some alternative textual variants of the adjective indicate; for examples see Ghiretti 2010: 66.

[8] The textual variant, though not unanimously accepted, does not seem peregrine: at r. 13 Lewis (1936: 91), editor princeps of the papyrus, read ]ν̣ω̣ δεῖ λιο\ω/των ἐκκοπέω(ν), accepting the scribe's supra lineam correction made "without erasure of the incorrect letter"; he  thought, as he specifies in the detailed notes to the text, of the adjective λειωτέων "to be smoothened". The textual variant  was revised and corrected by Fausti (1989: 160ss.) with τῶ[ν σ̣μ̣ειλιο\ω/των ἐκκοπέω(ν), on the basis of numerous parallel passages, especially in Heliod. ap. Orib. - see below - where the adjective is attributed to the surgical chisel.

[9] For a more detailed discussion of the attribution of the papyrus to Heliod. see below. The question was also discussed in Fausti 1989: 164-167, Ghiretti 2010: 66, Marganne 1998: 67-84.

[10] excissorius scalper is attested in Cels. 8.3.4 [CML 1, 375.18 Marx] and 8.3.5 [CML 1, 375.20-21 Marx], scalper in 8.3.2 [CML 1, 375.5 Marx], 8.3.8 [CML 1, 376.15 Marx], 8.4.6 [CML 1, 378.19 Marx], 8.4.8 [CML 1, 379.7 Marx], 8.4.12 [CML 1, 380.5 Marx], 8.4.15 [CML 1, 380.24 Marx], 8.4.16 [CML 1, 380.27 Marx], 8.10.7f [CML 1, 395.14 Marx], and scalprum planumin 8.4.14 [CML 1, 380.14-15 Marx]. In addition, the shorter version, scalpellum is documented in the pseudo-soranee Quaestiones medicae (n. 230C and 272C = 338L and 342.4L)                                                                                                                                                                                                  [230C Quid est ϑύμος? Carnis fragilis eminentia; fit autem circa anum et ueretrum et in muliebri sinu. Cura[n]tur uero inter initia quidem stypticis seu compresses puluere; sed si non obaudiet, radendum est de retroorsa parte scalpelli et sequenti cura curandum.                                                                                                                        272C Quemadmodum secantur στεατώματα, μελικηρίδες, θηρώματα? Inciditur superficies et disiungitur incisio hamulis infixis in ea. Deinde distenditur utraque pars et in his quidem quae ualde cohaerent, acutapart utimur chisels; in illis autem quae non cohaerent, handlebar chisels utimur. Aut consuitur incisio aut [in] linteolis impletur et aut ἀγκτῆρσιν iungitur aut ita curatur, ut caro crescat.                                                             342.4L Protinus ut alba se ostendit tunica, cutis incisa ancistris infixis utraque parte tenditur et scalpelli manubriolo deducenda a pelle et carne est eiciendaque cum eo quod intus tenetur. Si quando autem ab inferiori parte tunicae musculus inhaesit, ne is laedatur, Ubi tota ex ea exempta est, committendae orae fibulaque in his inicienda est et super medicamentum glutinans dandum est. Ubi autem uel tunica uel aliquid de ea relictum est, pus mouentia adhibenda sunt uel linteolis implenda].                                                                 

[11] See. Bliquez 2015: 194s and Milne 1907: 123-124. The gouge is "a surgical chisel used to remove bone splinters" (Disc, s.v. gouge). http://www.buxtonbio.com/images/56-7445.jpg

[12] See. Gal. meth. med. 6.150 [10.445.1-2 K.]: τῶν κοίλων ἐκκοπέων οὓς οὓς καὶ κυκλίσκους ὀνομάζουσι [the hollow knives which they also call cyclisci (Johnston-Horsley 2011: 215)] and Orib. Coll. med. 46.21.17 (next note).

[13] See. Gal. ap. Orib. Med. Coll. 46.21.17 [CMG 6.2.1, 229.22-23 Raeder]: διὰ τοῦτο οὖν οἱ νεώτεροι τοὺς κυκλίσκους ἐξεῦρον- καλοῦσι δ οὕτως ἐκκοπέων εἶδός τι κεκοιλασμένον ἐπὶ τῷ πέρατι. This is how he interprets the Bliquez passage (2015: 194): "Galen regards it as a modern invention, meaning probably that it was developed in the Hellenistic period".

[14] However, references to some possible exempla of ἐκκοπεύς κυκλίσκος, although not identified with certainty, are indicated by Bliquez 2015: 195 in footnotes 482, 483 and 484, and reproduced in 421, fig. 49, n. 21; moreover, three specimens were found in the excavations of the Domus 'del Chirurgo' in Rimini, so see Jackson 2003: 318-319 and 315 fig. 1 n. 6.

[15] See Bertonazzi 2019.

[16] For a detailed analysis of the surgical lexicon contained in papyrus, see Fausti's commentary 1989: 164-167.

[17] Another operation, very similar to the one probably described in the papyrus, is in Heliod. ap. Orib. Coll.med. 46.29.8 [WYD 6.2.1, 239.27-31 Raeder] on bone callus growth (see below).

[18] The same lexicon appears in only two passages of Heliodorus: in the first it is an operation on the ribs, in the second of the cranial drilling of the dura mater: the protocol followed seems to be in line with that presented by the papyrus (Heliod. ap. Orib. Coll.med. 46.29.8 [CMG 6.2.1, 239.27-31 Raeder], see among the written accounts of τρύπανον; Coll.med. 46.11.23 [CMG 6.2.1, 221.19-23: τὰ δ' αὐτὰ γινέσθω ἔργα καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν λοιπῶν μεταξὺ διαστημάτων, ἕως οὗ διακοπῇ πάντα [...] χωρὶς τοῦ ἐσχάτου καὶ δευτερεσχάτου,  ἵνα μὴ τοῦ ὀστέου ὅλου διακοπέντος ἡ τοῦ ἀντερηρεισμένου ἐκκοπέως ἀκμὴ κενεμβατήσασα διέλῃ τὴν  μήνιγγα [the same procedures should also be carried out until all the remaining diasteseis between them  have been cut, except for the last and the penultimate one, so that, as the whole bone is severed, the tip of the chisel, having reached a hollow point, does not affect the hard mater]).

[19] Only by way of example, among the many possible, can be seen the recommendation of an essential therapy after an operation on the fistula lachrymalis in Paul of Aegina (6.22.1 [CMG 9.2, 62.9-14 Heiberg], see among the accounts of τρύπανον) and Aët. 15.12.76 (37.11-5 Zervos) ἐὰν δ' ὑπόπυον γένηται, τὸ τῆς ῥαφῆς διάστημα διαιρείσθω τὸ ἐπικείμενον τῷ ὑγρῷ σώματι, καὶ μετὰ τὴν τοῦ πύου ἔκκρισιν, ἑκατέρωθεν περιτράσθω τῷ τρυπάνῳ τὸ τῆς ὀστοῦν καὶ ἐκκοπτέσθω, καὶ τῇ πυοποιῷ ἀγωγῇ θεραπευέσθω [if the wound tends to discharge pus, you have to divide the detachment of the suture pressing on the diseased part, and after the pus is removed on both sides of the wound  holes have to be drilled into the bone of the head and make an incision;  following this, supportive therapy is administered].

[20] The use of a διαμότωσις following  surgery  with a drill is particularly referred to in Paul.Aeg. 6.90.5 [CMG 9.2, 140.6-10 Heiberg]; for more information, see Bliquez 2015: 319-323.

[21] ] In particular, the use of a tampon and supportive therapy is referred to in Heliod. ap. Orib. Coll.med. 46.8.14 [WYD 6.2.1, 218.30-33 Raeder] μετὰ τὴν ἐπιδιαίρεσιν οἱ μὲν ῥαφαῖς ἐχρήσαντο, οἱ δὲ διαμοτώσει καὶ τῇ πυοποιῷ τὴν. σύντομος μὲν οὖν ἐστιν ἡ ἔναιμος ἀγωγή, ἄνευ βλάβης δὲ μᾶλλον ἡ ἀφλέγμαντος καὶ πυοποιός θεραπεία [“dopo l’incisione alcuni si servono di suturazioni, altri di tamponi e della successiva terapia suppurante; la più veloce è la terapia che prescrive di far uscire il sangue dalle ferite, ma quella antinfiammatoria e suppurante è meno dannosa”, transl. Fausti 1989: 165].

[22] [ ̣] τῷδε καὶ ῥεῖν ν̣ε̣ [ . ] ̣ [   ] | [  ̣ ̣ ] ε̣ πρὸϲ ̣ ὀξειδ[ί]- | [ων] ορ̣π̣ητὴν ̣ϲιν. ϲὺν δὲ το̣[ύ]- | τοιϲ ἤτο̣ι ϲ[ ̣]λ̣ε̣ο̣ϲ̣ -καὶ ὁ κ̣εφα- | λικὸϲ ϲ ̣[ ̣] . πρὸϲ ἔνια γὰρ τῶ̣[ν] | ὀϲτῶν ν̣ ̣α ̣ ̣ε̣θ̣ε̣ [ ̣]ν ἀπ[ο]- | πρ̣ί̣ε̣ιν οὐκ ἔϲτιν ἐπιτήδε̣ι̣α | ἔ̣χ̣[ο]ν̣τ̣ο̣ϲ̣ ἐκκοπὴν προε- | με̣ῖ̣ν̣. τὰ ἔργα ὀφείλει ὀφείλει ταῦ- | τα ἑτοιμάζεϲθαι (rr. 1-10).

[23] A very complete examination of the treatment of dislocations and fractures can be found in Di Benedetto 1986: 248-262 and bibliography indicated therein.

[24] For a discussion of the various dislocation correction techniques see Marganne 1998: 123-147.

[25] The text of the stele reads L(ucius) Aristiuṣ [- l(ibertus)] | Synetus sibị [et] | Vibiae cocub[in(ae)] | suae.

[26] “Carpenters’ chisels were of iron with wood, bone or iron handles, and many surgeons’ chisels may have been made of the same materials” (Jackson 1986: 144). Galen himself compares ἐκκοπεύς to the carpenters' axe: De anat. admin.9.187 [2.708.18-709.1 K.]: ἐκοπεῦσι τοῖς ἰσχυροῖς χρῶμενος ἢ τῶν τεκτόνων σκεπάρνοις.

[27] “Their presence in the large set of surgical and medical instruments is enigmatic: it is equally possible to view them as carpentry tools, perhaps for the manufacture of medical apparatus (splints, traction equipment, etc), or as instruments of bone surgery in their own right. Although their size might favour the former identification, they might also be seen to complement the crown trephines and elevators of the set. Suffice it to note that tools, implements and apparatus of primarily non-medical function (styli, shears, strigils, spoons, vessels etc.) are often included in grave groups of medical and surgical instruments, and the surgical use of many is specified in the contemporary medical literature” (Jackson 1986: 145).

[28] “Certainly the chisels, gouge and drill-bit in the Bingen instrumentarium are essentially carpenters’ tools” (Jackson 1986: 145). Bliquez (2015: 194) is also of the same opinion:  “The Bingen chisel may have been for carpentry, as it is somewhat larger than authenticated surgical models”. Bingen chisels can be read not only in Como 1925, but also in Krug 1990: 87-89.

[29] “A small iron chisel with organic handle can survive intact only under optimum conditions. Normally corrosion, if not totally destructive, obscures the object and hinders or prevents identification. This is doubtless a partial explanation of the rarity of bone chisels. Those few that have been identified in medical contexts are of a sufficiently characteristic form to allow future recognition in less certain contexts. They have a narrow blade and slender copper-alloy handle with lightly domed head” (Jackson 1986: 145).

[30] In the numeration proposed by Jackson (1986: 124), they are exhibits 17 and 18: "17. Bone chisel (Fig. 2, Pl.  XII B). The octagonal-sectioned handle is very slightly waisted. Its lightly domed head bears only slight traces of burring. The narrow iron blade, of rectangular cross-section, has a slightly splayed cutting edge preserved well enough to show that it is lightly bevelled on one face. L. 15 x 25  cm. (GR 1968, 6-26, 19). 18.  Bone chisel (Fig. 2, Pl. XII B). Almost identical to No. 17. Although slightly shorter in overall length, the width of the cutting edge appears to have been the same. The octagonal-sectioned handle has a more pronounced waist and the head is more heavily burred. L. 15  cm. (GR 1968, 6-26, 20)”.

[31] See the information of the radiographic analysis performed by Susan La Niece in Jackson 1986: 162; the composition of the alloy of the handle is in n. 17 for 78.6% copper, 9.2% zinc, 1.3% lead and 10.9% tin; in n. 18 for 77.7% copper, 9.3% zinc, 1.1% lead and 11.9% tin.

[32] “An iron blade from Pompeii/Herculaneum, though rather large, may have been the cutting edge of a bone chisel” (Jackson 1986: 144). For further details see also Bliquez / Jackson 1994 n. 95.



P.Strasb. inv. 1187

Editions: LEWIS 1936: 90-92, n. 8; FAUSTI 1989; MARGANNE 1998: 67-84;

Studies: KÖRTE 1938: 128, n. 915; ANDORLINI 1993: 495, n. 54; GHIRETTI 2010: 159-162.


P.Ryl. III 529

Editions: ROBERTS 1938: 158-162; MARGANNE 1998: 110-148;

Studies: KÖRTE 1941: 145, n. 1014; TURNER 1975: 309-312; TURNER 1977: 120, n. 391; ANDORLINI 1993a: 502, n. 75; MARGANNE 1994: 123-133; GHIRETTI 2010: 163-172.


General bibliography


Adams, F. (1846), The Seven Books of Paulus Ægineta, translated from the Greek with a Commentary embracing a complete view of the Knowledge possessed by the Greeks, Romans and Arabics on all subjects connected with Medicine and Surgey, by Francis Adams, in three volumes, London.

Andorlini, I. (1993), L’apporto dei papiri alla conoscenza della scienza medica antica, A.N.R.W. II 37.1 Berlin-New York, 458-562.

Bertonazzi F. (2019), “Digital edition of P.Strasb. inv. 1187: between the papyrus and the indirect tradition”, Proceedings of 28th International Congress of Papyrology, Barcelona 2016, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2019, pp. 857-871.

Bliquez, L.J. (1984), Two Lists of Greek Surgical Instruments and the State of Surgery in Byzantine Times, «Dumbarton Oaks Papers» 36, 187-204.

Bliquez, L.J. (2015), The tools of Asclepius. Surgical Instruments in Greek and Roman Times, Leiden-Boston.

Bliquez, L.J. / Jackson, R. (1994), Roman Surgical Instruments and Minor Objects in the National Archaeological Museum of Naples, with a Catalogue of the Surgical Instruments in the Antiquarium at Pompeii by Ralph Jackson, Mainz.

Chantraine, P., DELG, Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue grecque, I-II, Paris, 1968-1980.

Como, J. (1925), Das Grab eines römischen Arztes in Bingen, «Germania» 9, 152-162.

Daremberg, C. (1851-1876), OEuvres d’Oribase. Texte grec en grande partie inédit collationné sur les manuscrits, traduit pour la première fois en français par les Drs Bussemaker et Daremberg, Paris.

De Benedittis, G. (1995), Molise, repertorio delle iscrizioni latine, vol. I Bovianum, Campobasso.

Di Benedetto, V. (1986), Il medico e la malattia. La scienza di Ippocrate, Torino.

DESTM, Dizionario etimologico storico dei termini medici, a c. di E. Marcovecchio, Impruneta, 1993.

DESLI, Dizionario etimologico-semantico della lingua italiana. Come nascono le parole, a c. di M. Alinei e F. Benozzo, Bologna, 2015.

DISC, Dizionario italiano Sabatini Coletti, Firenze, 2008 [http://dizionari.corriere.it/dizionario_italiano/].

Fausti, D. (1989), P.Strasb. inv. gr. 1187: testo chirurgico (Eliodoro?), in Annali della Facoltà di Lettere e Filosofia, Firenze 10, 157-169.

Fischer, K.-D. (1989), ‘Universorum ferramentorum nomina’. Frühmittelalterliche Listen chirurgischer Instrumente und ihr griechisches Vorbild, in Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch, Internationale Zeitschrift für Mediävistik 22, eds. W. Berschin, P. Dronke, P. Von Moos, J. Stolhmann, J. Szövérffy, Stuttgart, 28-44.

Ghiretti, G. (2010), Luoghi e strumenti della professione medica antica. La testimonianza dei papiri greci d’Egitto, «Papyrotheke» 1 [http://dspace-unipr.cineca.it/handle/1889/1493].

Jackson, R. (1986), A Set of Roman Medical Instruments from Italy, «Britannia» 17, 119-167.

Jackson, R. (1987), A Set of Surgical Instruments from Roman Italy, in Archéologie et Médecine, VIIéme Rencontres Internationales d’Archéologie et d’Histoire d’Antibes (23-25 octobre 1986), Juan-les-Pins, 413-428.

Jackson, R. (2003), The Domus ‘del chirurgo’ at Rimini: an Interim Account of the Medical Assemblage, «Journal of Roman Archaeology» 16, 1, 312-321.

Johnston, I. / Horsley, G.R.H. (2011), Galen, Method of medicine. Edited and translated by Ian Johnston and G.H.R. Horsley, Cambridge-London.

Körte, A. (1938), n. 915, «Archiv für Papyrusforschung»13, 128.

Körte, A. (1941), nn. 1014 e 1017, «Archiv für Papyrusforschung»14, 145.

Krug, A. (1990), Medicina nel mondo classico, Firenze.

Künzl, E. (1983), Medizinische Instrumente aus Sepulkralfunden der römischen Kaiserzeit, Bonn.

Künzl, E. (1996), Forschungsbericht zu den antiken medizinischen Instrumenten, in Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt , Part. II: Principat, Vol. 37,3, eds. W. Haase, H. Temporini, Berlin-New York, 2434-2639.

Lewis, N. (1936), Études de papyrologie, III, Le Caire.

LM, Lexicon Medicum Anglicum, Russicum, Gallicum, Germanicum, Latinum, Polonum, pod redakcja Doc. Dra Med. Boleslawa Zlotnickiego, Warsawa, 1971.

Marganne, M.-H. (1987), Les instruments chirurgicaux de l’Égypte gréco-romaine, in Archéologie et Médecine, VIIéme Rencontres Internationales d’Archéologie et d’Histoire d’Antibes (23-25 octobre 1986), Juan-les-Pins, 403-412.

Marganne, M.-H. (1994), La réduction des luxations de l’épaule dans le De medicina de Celse, in La médicine de Celse. Aspects historiques, scientifiques et littéraires, Centre Jean-Palerne, Mémoires XIII, eds. G. Sabbah, Ph. Mudry, Saint-Étienne, 123-133.

Marganne, M.-H. (1998), La chirurgie dans l'Égypte gréco-romaine d'après les papyrus littéraires grecs, Leiden-Boston-Köln.

Milne, H.J. (1907), Surgical Instruments in Greek and Roman Times, Oxford.

Pokorny, J. Indogermanisches etymologisches Wörterbuch, Tübingen-Berne-Munich, 1957-1969 (prima ed.), 2005 (5° ed.).

Roberts, C.H. (1938), Catalogue of the Greek and Latin Papyri in the John Rylands Library of Manchester, III, Manchester.

Schöne, H. (1903), Zwei Listen chirurgischer Instrumente, «Hermes» 38, 280-284.

Turner, E.G. (1975), Early Papyrus Codices of Large Size, in Proceedings of the XIV International Congress of Papyrologists, London, 309-312.

Turner, E.G. (1977), The Typology of Early Codex, Philadelphia.

Vulpes, B. (1847), Illustrazione di Tutti gli Strumenti chirurgici Scavati in Ercolano e in Pompei, etc., Napoli.

E. CPGM reference(s)

P. Strasb. 1187, fr. A, col. I, rr. 4 and 13 

P. Ryl. 3.529recto, col. I r. 8



Francesca Bertonazzi

Accepted term: 06-Nov-2020